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Political Psychology & Authoritarianism in America

-- By AnnieIsabel - 20 Feb 2025

Section I: Introduction

The threat to American democracy is often framed as a problem of individual figures who catalyze democratic backsliding, as demonstrated by Trump’s reelection. However, a deeper issue lies in the American public’s psychological vulnerabilities—particularly the systemic pressures that limit political engagement and the activation of authoritarian tendencies during periods of social and economic stress. Political psychology research suggests that these vulnerabilities, when activated by fear and social division, can destabilize democratic institutions. Through this lens, Trump’s success can be understood as a result of both these underlying factors and widespread economic and social dissatisfaction. Without addressing them, American ideals of democracy will remain at risk, regardless of who holds office.

Section II: The Impact of Priming and Framing on Political Opinions

A key observation in political psychology is that individuals often adjust their opinions based on elite cues and media framing, rather than adhering to stable ideological positions (Converse, 1964; Zaller, 1992). As David Lodge and Charles Taber (2013) argue, political reasoning is often driven by preexisting biases, with individuals rationalizing their preferences rather than carefully weighing evidence. Thus, public opinion can be fluid, shifting according to what information is most accessible or emphasized at a given time. Priming is a central mechanism in this shift, as it is the psychological process of making certain considerations more mentally accessible, such that these considerations influence evaluations and judgments (Iyengar & Kinder, 1987). Political opinions are subsequently formed or expressed based on what considerations have been primed (Zaller, 1992).

The 1997 film Wag the Dog serves as a cultural illustration of the public's susceptibility to media manipulation. In the film, political operatives fabricate a war to distract the public from a presidential scandal. They succeed by shaping media coverage and using priming and framing techniques. The film is fictional, but the underlying psychological dynamics are real and observable in American politics. Trump’s political strategy has relied heavily on exploiting these dynamics. He has used social media and traditional media coverage to dominate public attention, employing priming and framing to shape perceptions. Timothy Snyder (2024) notes that Trump’s approach aligns with certain fascist tendencies, particularly the use of language to confuse and mobilize rather than inform. Trump’s rhetoric often disregards factual consistency, instead emphasizing loyalty, threats, and conspiracy theories. This approach resonates with citizens who are not closely following policy details but are emotionally responsive to symbolic appeals.

Section III: Authoritarian Predisposition

Underlying this responsiveness is a second key concept from political psychology: authoritarian predisposition. Research by Karen Stenner (2005) and Bob Altemeyer (1996) suggests that authoritarianism is a latent trait in many individuals, activated in times of perceived social or cultural threat. Authoritarian individuals value order, uniformity, and strong leadership. They tend to respond positively to messages that emphasize threats to social cohesion and call for punitive measures against outsiders. Trump has repeatedly activated authoritarian tendencies in the electorate. His rhetoric on immigration, crime, and national decline frames politics as a battle against dangerous outsiders. This strategy echoes Carl Schmitt’s theory that authoritarian politics thrives on defining an enemy. Trump’s depiction of the 2020 election as fraudulent is a further example. The claim, though baseless, reinforced the sense of existential threat that triggers authoritarian responses. The January 6th insurrection demonstrated the extent to which some citizens were willing to subvert democratic norms under the influence of this mindset.

The problem is not confined to Trump’s “cult of January 6th martyrs” (Snyder 2024). Stenner’s work emphasizes that even individuals who are not predisposed to authoritarianism can exhibit similar behaviors under conditions of threat. This helps explain why political polarization has led both the right and left to display increasingly rigid, punitive attitudes toward opponents. It also underscores the reality that many who supported Trump in the most recent election may not be driven purely by authoritarianism, but by a deep dissatisfaction with the political and economic status quo. Compounding these vulnerabilities is the suppression of marginalized communities’ political participation. One example of this can be found in the barriers to voting within the Asian American and Pacific Islander community, where linguistic, informational, and physical obstacles exacerbate voter disenfranchisement (NORC APPI Issue Brief, 2023). Limited outreach and lack of translated voting materials reduce political engagement in these communities. This suppression aligns with broader voter suppression tactics that disproportionately affect racial minorities (Hajnal et al., 2017). Such practices narrow the electorate, amplifying the influence of citizens more susceptible to authoritarian appeals. Efforts to suppress minority voting, therefore, not only disenfranchise individuals but also weaken democratic resilience (Verba et al., 1995).

Recent analyses emphasize that authoritarianism can develop through gradual, seemingly rational decisions. Timothy Snyder (2017) describes the phenomenon of “anticipatory obedience,” in which individuals and institutions preemptively conform to authoritarian expectations. This process accelerates democratic backsliding because it normalizes autocratic practices without requiring overt coercion. Businesses, media outlets, and universities may self-censor or align with government preferences to protect their interests, creating a feedback loop that further erodes democratic norms (Gessen, 2025). Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.’s classic essay “The Path of the Law” (1897) offers a legal perspective that aligns with these psychological concerns. Holmes argues that law is best understood as a tool for predicting how power will be exercised, rather than as a moral system. This pragmatic view underscores the importance of recognizing the political and psychological realities shaping law and governance. When citizens are uninformed and susceptible to authoritarianism, legal institutions are more likely to reflect those tendencies, rather than serve as a neutral safeguard.

Section IV: Conclusion

The future of American democracy depends on addressing the vulnerabilities. Civic education, media literacy, and inclusive electoral reforms are critical to strengthening the electorate’s capacity for democratic decision-making. Reducing barriers to political participation, particularly for marginalized groups, is equally essential. However, it is also necessary to address the economic and social precarity that drives citizens to prioritize daily survival over civic engagement. Without these efforts, the psychological weaknesses that enabled Trump’s rise will continue to endanger democratic stability.

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