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Please see the Wikipedia article here. | | | One of the central themes of the cases prior to the landmark decision in Commonwealth vs. Hunt was the applicability of the English common law in post-revolutionary America. Whether the English common law applied—and in particular whether the common law notion that a conspiracy to raise wages was illegal applied—was frequently the subject of debate between the defense and the prosecution. For instance, in Commonwealth v. Pullis, a case in 1806 against a combination of journeymen cordwainers in Philadelphia for conspiring to raise their wages, the defense attorneys referred to the common law as arbitrary and unknowable and instead praised the legislature as the embodiment of the democratic promise of the revolution. In ruling that a combination to raise wages was per se illegal, Recorder Moses Levy strongly disagreed, writing that “[t]he acts of the legislature form but a small part of that code from which the citizen is to learn his duties . . . [i]t is in the volumes of the common law we are to seek for information in the far greater number, as well as the most important causes that come before our tribunals.”
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< | As a result of the spate of convictions against combinations of laborers, the typical narrative of early American labor law states that, prior to Hunt in Massachusetts in 1842, peaceable combinations of workingmen to raise wages, shorten hours or ensure employment, were illegal in the United States, as they had been under English common law. In England, criminal conspiracy laws were first held to include combinations in restraint of trade in the Court of the Star Chamber early in the 17th Century. The precedent was solidified in 1721 by The King v. Journeymen Tailors of Cambridge, which found tailors guilty of a conspiracy to raise wages. Leonard Levy went so far as to refer to Hunt as the “Magna Carta of American trade-unionism,” illustrating its perceived standing as the major point of divergence in the American and English legal treatment of unions which, “removed the stigma of criminality from labor organizations.”
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> | As a result of the spate of convictions against combinations of laborers, the typical narrative of early American labor law states that, prior to Hunt in Massachusetts in 1842, peaceable combinations of workingmen to raise wages, shorten hours or ensure employment were illegal in the United States, as they had been under English common law. In England, criminal conspiracy laws were first held to include combinations in restraint of trade in the Court of the Star Chamber early in the 17th Century. The precedent was solidified in 1721 by The King v. Journeymen Tailors of Cambridge, which found tailors guilty of a conspiracy to raise wages. Leonard Levy went so far as to refer to Hunt as the “Magna Carta of American trade-unionism,” illustrating its perceived standing as the major point of divergence in the American and English legal treatment of unions which, “removed the stigma of criminality from labor organizations.” | | | However, Levy’s statement incorrectly characterizes the case law in American prior to Hunt. Pullis was actually unusual in strictly following the English common law and holding that a combination to raise wages was by itself illegal. More often combination cases prior to Hunt did not hold that unions were illegal per se, but rather found some other justification for a conviction. After _Pullis in 1806, eighteen other prosecutions of laborers for conspiracies followed within the next three decades. However, only one such case, People v. Fisher, also held that a combination for the purpose of raising wages was illegal. Several other cases held that the methods used by the unions, rather than the unions themselves, were illegal. For instance, in People v. Melvin, cordwainers were again convicted of a conspiracy to raise wages. Unlike in Pullis, however, the court held that the combination’s existence itself was not unlawful, but nevertheless reached a conviction because the cordwainers had refused to work for any master who paid lower wages, or with any laborer who accepted lower wages, than what the combination had stipulated. The court held that methods used to obtain higher wages would be unlawful if they were judged to be deleterious to the general welfare of the community. Commonwealth v. Morrow continued to refine this standard, stating that, “an agreement of two or more to the prejudice of the rights of others or of society” would be illegal. Another line of cases, led by Justice John Gibson of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania’s decision in Commonwealth v. Carlisle, held that the motive of the combination, rather than simply its existence, was the key to illegality. Gibson wrote, “Where the act is lawful for an individual, it can be the subject of a conspiracy, when done in concert, only where there is a direct intention that injury shall result from it.” Still other courts rejected Pullis’ rule of per se illegality in favor of a rule that asked whether the combination was a but-for cause of injury. Thus, as economist Edwin Witte stated, “[T]he doctrine that a combination to raise wages is illegal was allowed to die by common consent. No leading case was required for its overthrow.” Nevertheless, while Hunt was not the first case to hold that labor combinations were legal, it was the first to do so explicitly and in clear terms.
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| | | 1. Articles written about Commonwealth v. Hunt from the Boston Morning Post, a former Democrat-leaning newspaper published in Boston, published in late October, 1840. | |
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< | I was able to take photographs of the newspaper at the New York Historical Society Library. The Boston Morning Post, which eventually became the Boston Post, was a popular daily newspaper in Boston and New England for over one hundred years before it closed in 1956. The paper was founded in 1831 by Boston businessmen Charles G. Greene and Williams Beals - their names can be seen under the newspaper's title in the attached documents. The Post's pro-labor, pro-Democrat editorials, such as the one in the October 16th, 1840 edition, where often opposed by Whig-sympathetic editorials written in the Boston Advertiser. I tried to find the October, 1840 issues of the Advertiser which ran articles on Hunt, but was unable to find any in New York. (The Library of Congress has an excellent resource called Chronicling America which is a directory of historic American newspapers and where they can be accessed.) | >
> | I was able to take photographs of the newspaper at the New York Historical Society Library. The Boston Morning Post, which eventually became the Boston Post, was a popular daily newspaper in Boston and New England for over one hundred years before it closed in 1956. The paper was founded in 1831 by Boston businessmen Charles G. Greene and Williams Beals - their names can be seen under the newspaper's title in the attached documents. The Post's pro-labor, pro-Democrat editorials, such as the one in the October 16th, 1840 edition, were often opposed by Whig-sympathetic editorials written in the Boston Advertiser. I tried to find the October, 1840 issues of the Advertiser which ran articles on Hunt, but was unable to find any in New York. (The Library of Congress has an excellent resource called Chronicling America which is a directory of historic American newspapers and where they can be accessed.) | | | |
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