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| | -- By BrianHooven - 25 Feb 2013 | |
> > | The problem with justice is that it costs money. When people can’t afford to pay, society tries to do it for them. Sometimes, this does not work, as illustrated by the indigent defense system. Criminal justice system is premised on an adversarial system where the prosecution carries a burden to prove guilt beyond all reasonable doubt, and an opposing force (the defense) illustrates possible doubts, at which point a judge or jury can make an informed decision concerning reasonableness. However, the indigent defense system is not provided sufficient resources to accomplish their role. This affects the majority of felony defendants, 80% of which draw upon state funded public defenders for representation (in the 75 largest US counties). (BJS: State Public Defender Programs 2007 http://bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/spdp07.pdf). There have been efforts to improve the system, however, they still fall short. | | | |
< < | The Problem
The problem with justice is that it’s expensive. The simplest way to define justice is as the preservation of the rights of all the people. | > > | Much of the current unfairness of the criminal justice system stems from the imbalance of resources regarding personnel, caseloads, and funding between indigent defenders and their prosecutorial counterparts. In 2004 and 2005, 4300 state-employed public defenders were matched against 25,000 state-employed prosecutors. (BJS: Prosecutors in State Courtshttp://bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=1124; BJS: State Public Defender Programs 2007 http://bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/spdp07.pdf). Additionally, public defender offices suffer from a support staff deficiency. State public defender offices have one investigator for every six litigators while prosecutorial offices have one investigator for every three litigators in addition to 98% having direct access to their entire corresponding police department. (BJS: Prosecutors in State Courtshttp://bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=1124). | | | |
> > | The out-manned public defenders are also overburdened. Their median caseload is far in excess of the official recommendation, a lofty 200 misdemeanor and 75 felony cases. (BJS: State Public Defender Programs 2007 http://bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/spdp07.pdf). Prosecutorial offices also receive significantly more funding ($4.9 billion in 2005), while public defender programs could spend only $830 million defending the accused clients. (BJS: State Public Defender Programs 2007 http://bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/spdp07.pdf;BJS: Prosecutors in State Courtshttp://bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=1124). | | | |
< < |
Are you sure? Where did this definition come from?
| > > | The combination of inadequate resources and excessive caseloads creates a necessity to minimize per case expenditures in terms of both time and money. In 2007, the average per case expenditure for an indigent client was only $510. (BJS: State Public Defender Programs 2007 http://bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/spdp07.pdf). Concerning time expenditures, there are ample instances where a public defender meets his client on the day of trial, advises him to take a pre-negotiated plea, and the client pleads guilty, having spoken to his attorney for the first time only moments before he is convicted. (Gideon's Silence http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2006/05/gideons_silence.html). This pressure on each defender to resolve his cases as quickly and efficiently as possible may result in public defenders neglecting facially simple cases (90-95% of indigent clients plead guilty) and stereotyping scenarios to pursue more controversial ones, depriving clients of the best possible representation. (BJS: Indigent Defense Systems http://bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=tp&tid=28). Furthermore, those that plead guilty then face harsher sentencing than their privately defended counterparts. (Gideon's Silence http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2006/05/gideons_silence.html). Perhaps the majority of guilty pleas would be unaffected, but it seems inevitable that when attorneys have little time and scarce resources at their disposal, their clients will suffer. | | | |
> > | Society has already implemented a variety of measures to try and improve indigent defense. Indeed the very creation of the public defender’s office was one of the first steps in the right direction. More recently, there has been an increasing trend towards private attorneys assuming pro bono responsibilities. This approach is somewhat promising, but alone will not be enough. | | | |
< < | Such rights come in many different varieties, they may be given by the constitution, granted by some social contract, or be natural consequences of humanity. Wherever the rights of the people come from, they have one thing in common: they cost money. | > > | Two things need to be accomplished to begin the path to fair indigent defense: the quality of public defender representation needs to be improved, and the quantity of private pro bono work needs to be increased. The first can be accomplished through increasing the available resources, which will allow a more appropriate per-case effort. Several mechanisms can help to achieve this: first, the caseload limits need to be rules, not recommendations. There also must be a process for revising the maximums should an attorney “finish early”. However, maximizing quality will lead to less quantity, and therefore unrepresented indigent defendants. Second, the public defender’s offices must increase their attractiveness to bolster their staff. This can be done through increased salaries, and better loan forgiveness programs. Perhaps instead of ten years of public service, law school loans are forgiven after five years of continuous public service in a defense office. Funding will come from the government, which needs to increase judicial expenditures dedicated to public defense (currently only 15%). (BJS: Indigent Defense Systems http://bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=tp&tid=28). These measures should begin to ensure that each indigent client is represented on an individual level consistent with his Constitutional rights. | | | |
> > | Next, the volume of pro-bono work being done by private practicing attorneys must be increased. Only 46% of these attorneys are meeting the ABA recommendation of 50 hours of pro bono, averaging 38, and only 18% of these hours are dedicated to criminal work. (ABA: A Report on the Pro Bono Work of America's Lawyers http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/migrated/2011_build/probono_public_service/report_2011.authcheckdam.pdf). Private sector attorneys identified two main obstacles to pro bono commitments: time and employers (billable hour requirements). (ABA: A Report on the Pro Bono Work of America's Lawyers http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/migrated/2011_build/probono_public_service/report_2011.authcheckdam.pdf). To increase available time, criminal pro bono hours should be counted as part of the CLE requirements. Since these requirements must be fulfilled, it would allow the attorney to spend the time allotted to be spent in a CLE classroom resenting indigent defendants. To combat employer discouragement, tax incentives, or government malpractice subsidies should be awarded to firms or individuals that practice a large volume of pro bono work (judged as a percentage weighed against their billable hours). This would be subject to a governing committee that would review and grade the quality of indigent representation given. Financial incentives would be awarded based on both average quality and percentage pro bono hours. Finally, these benefits would be amplified for those that took on criminal pro bono cases instead of other categories of law. | | | |
< < |
Once again, how did you know?
We're at the beginning of the essay, so we assume that what you've
just expressed is the primary idea that the essay will develop. But
this assertion doesn't seem to develop into anything. If it is
true, the essay seems to have nowhere to go beyond. Perhaps the
right step in the next draft is to bring the real central theme into
view here, leaving whatever may be the case about the costs of
justice to come second, rather than first.
Rights and the Courts
Before I discuss why this is important, I will briefly talk about what a “right” is. A right is an entitlement to something.
This isn't any help unless "entitlement" is a less complex
idea than "right," which it probably is not. If, in fact,
it is the same thing (because a "title" is a "right"), then
you haven't given a definition, only a synonym.
Once again, the reader can be expected to ask where you got this non-defining definition.
By itself, a right is nothing, an ephemeral concept that may or may not be realized. When a person argues for the right to bear arms, they are not advocating that everyone be given a gun immediately; they are arguing that people should be entitled to have a gun. When a person
decides to go out and buy a gun, they
are then exercising this right, and it becomes real. To further illustrate the nature of rights, imagine that our gun-enthusiast finds a police officer prohibiting entry to the gun store because he does not think people should be able to have guns. Consequently our gun-enthusiast goes the route of any American, and sues.
Why not use Hohfeld's approach, and say that a "right" is the
benefit of someone else's legal duty? If you have a duty to pay me
money, I have a right to receive it. If the Congress has a duty not
to make laws abridging freedom of speech, then I have a right to
freedom of speech free of Congressional enactments constituting
abridgment. I have a right to bear arms only to the extent that
government has a duty not to infringe by unreasonably limiting my
carrying activities. Others may continue to do so, unless they have
some other legal duty, general or specific, not to interfere.
In court, is where rights are determined.
How do we know that? If a right is the correlative of
someone else's duty, it may be enforced or determined
wherever that duty can be enforced or determined, which
might be a court, but might be some other government
institution. If we go beyond legal duties to consider other
forms of duty giving rise to other forms of right, the
possibility of enforcement or determination goes beyond
governmental institutions, as it will if the duty is legal,
but subject to, e.g. arbitration in the event of controversy.
Our gun-enthusiast must now match the best lawyer he can afford against whoever the government decides to send in support of its police officer. The judge will then decide whether or not our gun-enthusiast actually does have a right to bear arms. Once the judge has decided, and his decision has been enforced, and our gun-enthusiast is happy with his pistol, then it seems that his right to bear arms has become real. It is this process of the realization of rights that is expensive, and those that cannot pay for it often miss out. Rights belong to those who can afford them, and thus I reiterate: justice is expensive.
But you haven't shown that, you've just reiterated it. My clients
don't know whether the enforcement of the legal duties of others
that affect them is expensive, because they do not pay. Whether the
businesses that pay me to protect my clients' rights consider it
expensive to do so is uncertain; probably not, because pay they do.
So whatever value they get from the enforcement of my clients'
rights is worth more to them (even though the rights being enforced
are not their own) than the money they are paying.
The Criminal Justice System
Nowhere is the price of rights more significant than in the criminal “justice” system. The dichotomy here is one that has been widely discussed, and minimally remedied. The sheer scope of problems with the criminal justice system is nearly insurmountable, however, perhaps one in particular can be remedied. The problem is that the resources that are allocated to the various District Attorney offices vastly outweigh the resources that are given to their Public Defender counterparts. This creates a system where you get what you pay for, and if you’re being prosecuted and indigent, most of your taxes are paying for you to go to jail.
If you are indigent,
what taxes are you paying that fund your prosecutor? When a wealthy
person who does pay significant taxes is prosecuted, and uses her
own money for her defense, not being eligible for public defense
services, is the injustice worse because she is only paying for
the prosecutor out of her tax money? This argument of yours seems
to make no sense.
Why does it follow that the resources spent on investigating and
proving beyond a reasonable doubt that a crime was committed and
that the defendant committed it need to be equalized by the funds
spent testing whether that burden has been successfully discharged
in order for justice to be done? Have you successfully
demonstrated, or seen it demonstrated somewhere you haven't
mentioned here, that the criminal justice system can only achieve
just outcomes when overall resources balance equally between the
only prosecutorial service and one mode of defense, namely the
public defense services? When a wealthy defendant far outspends the
State's investment in the prosecution, is that also an injustice, to
the People?
Once we examine the elements of a trial it becomes obvious why this is so. In a trial there are lawyers, investigators, and witnesses, all of which require some type of resources. Lawyers and investigators are both paid for by whichever side they work, and they come in degrees of skill. Witnesses have to be found by either the lawyers or investigators, making them partially a product of the skill of the aforementioned parties. Then there is the evidence, which has to be found, and the law, which has to be researched. All of these things cost money, and it is these things that will be compared to determine the fate of whoever the alleged criminal is.
No. Only the State has a burden of production in criminal cases.
The better the lawyer, the more they cost.
How did you
come to this conclusion? It seems to me patently untrue,
and I know lots of lawyers. Might I be permitted to point
out once again that my lawyers do not charge our clients
anything? Yet I know them to be better lawyers than ones
who earn far more than the salaries I pay them.
There are always exceptions, and occasionally there will be skilled lawyers that are available in the public defenders office.
What do you mean,
"occasionally"? Do you mean you have checked, and almost all the
lawyers who work for public defenders' services are unskilled, with
"occasional" exceptions? And you have also checked, and only
occasionally are ADAs equally unskilled? This is bushwah. You
should meet some more lawyers on both sides, preferably in court,
before opining that they're not skilled lawyers.
However, despite the superior prestige and advancement opportunities of the District Attorney’s office, they pay their attorneys very similarly to the public defender. Perhaps there is not a steep differential in skill between the attorneys at the two offices, despite there being no private sector alternative to the District Attorney’s office to lure away the lawyers with enough skill to be desireable to profitable firms and organizations.
This is wrong on both
counts. Of course prosecutors (particularly "skilled" ones) can
earn more money practicing elsewhere. The usual way to do that is
to become a defense lawyer, oddly enough.
Luckily, although they may not have the edge in skill, they have the entire police force to help make “reasonable doubt” seem much less reasonable. Many public defenders offices rely on the defenders themselves to do the investigatory work. However, with the police department comes the forensics, the access to labs, the evidence that they discover, and the discretion of where to look for it. Many public defenders don’t even have enough time to spend thirty minutes on each case that they are assigned, it seems unlikely that they will be able to do much investigation on their own. Finally many defenses put on by public defenders have limited witnesses. They simply do not have the resources to locate tangentially relevant people that the defendant is not in contact with or that were not identified at the scene. Given the gross disparity of resources between the state defense and the state prosecution, it is hardly surprising that the majority of indigent clients unnecessarily plead guilty (for some examples of gross public defender misconduct just check the Innocence Project http://www.ip-no.org/exonoree-profile/darrin-hill).
A majority of defendants "unnecessarily" plead guilty? Are you
suggesting that a majority of those pleading guilty aren't guilty?
On what evidentiary basis have you come to that conclusion?
Problem Solved?
Society's Solution
The solution to this problem is to do what thin wealthy do: hire a firm with enough resources to match the government. However, since the indigent can’t afford a lawyer in the first place this becomes an issue. This is where the court began to implement court-appointments, and large law firm began to “cherish” opportunities for pro bono work.
Doing routine criminal
defense work? Are you claiming that there is any large law firm
using its pro bono department to do routine criminal defense work?
What evidence is there for such a proposition?
Thus many have implemented pro bono hours that can count towards associates’ billable hour requirement, some firms even electing to not have limits. Unfortunately, I have yet to find a law firm with available statistics on the turnover rate for attorneys that pursue “unlimited” pro bono hours to fulfill their billable requirements, however, I imagine they are not optimistic.
But what has this to do with anything? Surely you're not supposing
that all the hours available for all the pro bono lawyering in even
the largest of large firms would make a significant dent in the
general criminal defense burden of the city in which such a firm
practices? Did you do some back-of-the-envelope arithmetic on this
subject you're not sharing with us to show that this could possibly
be a relevant source of lawyer-time?
My Solution
Thus there is an obvious solution: a firm with access to ample resources that is willing to put those resources to work to solve this problem. That is my firm. The issue of how exactly to achieve this balance is an issue that still must be explored.
What does that mean? The social problem of securing
sufficient resources for the legal representation of the
poor is best solved by having some rich person or some rich
few people want to solve it? Perhaps the way to do it is
"from each according to his ability, to each according to
his need"?
The basic problem in this draft was in the editing of the outline.
As I've tried to show in the margins, the essay doesn't present your
central idea clearly, spends time and space carelessly on subsidiary
issues, and doesn't in the end close tightly on the parts of the
argument that the reader needs your best thinking to find
convincing. The next draft should reframe. Start from the central
point you have to make. Introduce it clearly, in tight but
accessible form, in a brief introduction. Develop the idea, showing
what it rests on, how the reader can test for herself the strength
of its support, how you deal with the most serious and productive
objections. Then give a conclusion which shows the idea in its full
context, and gives the reader a point of departure for further
explorations of her own.
| > > | Although these measures will not solve the problem, they will begin to approach a solution. When we look far in the distance, only by moving closer can we see it more clearly. | | |
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