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< < | It is strongly recommended that you include your outline in the body of your essay by using the outline as section titles. The headings below are there to remind you how section and subsection titles are formatted. | | Law, Morality, Trust, and their Limits
-- By EdiRumano - 16 Feb 2012 | |
< < | This paper is an exploration of the idea that “if you want to know the law and nothing else, you must look at it as a bad man.” By examining a little more thoroughly the distinction between law and morality, and how this distinction plays out in certain types of economic arrangements, I hope to better understand the limits of the law as a force of social control and in fact the weakest form of social control. These ideas come from our class readings as well as David Rose’s “The Moral Foundation of Economic Behavior” (2011).
Economic production requires cooperative behavior among individuals. The fundamental problem with cooperation is the ability of people to behave opportunistically, which is to say that they behave contrary to an agreement that is supposed to maximize group benefit by engaging in behavior that maximizes their own welfare at others expense. The classic problem is the prisoners’ dilemma, but this happens in all contexts. The clerk at the cash register could take the cash, or the business partner could engage in deceptive practices and leave you holding the bag.
In small group scenarios, this kind of opportunism can be controlled by reputational effects so that it’s not individuals’ interests to behave opportunistically because then other actors will refuse to cooperate with them in the future. As the social group grows from a family to a tribe to a nation, these repeat-play effects diminish so other forms of control are necessary. The state, through its courts, officers, legislature, and all the different institutions we call the “law,” can diminish this kind of opportunism by threatening punishment.
The problem is the
reductionism. Now "law" has been defined as a form of social control
used to punish opportunistic conduct in economic relations. That's
evidently false, both under-inclusive by light-years and over
inclusive given the efforts law makes on behalf of defectors from
cooperation as well as against them. In short, nonsense. You were
able to get to this point, however, because your editorial effort was
not spent testing the chain of ideas you were forging, only in
forging them without testing.
Of course, if we believed people were trustworthy, there would be no need for most of those institutions or even of most of contract law.
Also obviously false.
Whether we trust people has only tangential relevance to whether we
need to allocate risks.
If we could trust the clerk to not take money from the cash register because the guilt of doing so would be too much, there would be no need for security cameras or the criminal law. Instead, the law provides a way to exchange trust for assurance, so that we are assured it is in the clerk’s self-interest not to steal.
This is what I believe Holmes meant by thinking of the law as a bad man. For good men, or people who internalize the cost of breaking an agreement, there is no need for law.
No, there is confusion
about whether particular actions are motivated by predictions of the
incidence of governmental force, or by something else. The bad man
is a mental construct, an actor whose only concern is avoiding
adverse imposition of public force. We discussed this thoroughly in
the classroom, and I made every effort to help you avoid falling off
the cliff you just dived off.
Under this analysis, the limits of the law become immediately apparent. To combat certain types of opportunism, the law can be effective if the person can be caught. Large business transactions can then be made possible if both sides specify as much as possible the details of the deal so the force of law can be introduced if they are not attained.
But there are types of transactions where the law cannot reach. In classic principal-agent problems, the agent has agreed to maximize the interest of the principal but finds that he can maximize his own welfare at the expense of the principal. If this effect can be documented, then the law can provide a sanction. But in large economies with fine divisions of labor, the principal often does not know that the agreement was even broken. The law is useless in this type of opportunism because it can’t be detected.
Are you sure? What is
the simplest effective argument on the other side and how would you
meet it? The absence of serious skeptical scrutiny in the editorial
process is flagrant here, again.
The only way to solve that problem is by changing people’s moral preferences so that they internalize the cost of breaking an agreement by feeling guilty. Without those preferences, individuals will not engage in certain types of transactions because they know in the absence of external incentives, other people will behave opportunistically, e.g. untrustworthy.
Bad grammar.
This highlights why law is such a weak social force. It operates on large time scales and is only used to solve problems that other forces such as social ostracizing cannot solve themselves.
Ostracism. Sloppy,
ungrammatical word choice is another sign of poor
editing. | > > | This paper is an exploration of the benefits and challenges of reductionist economic thinking, and the strengths and benefits of moral arguments. In “The Moral Foundation of Economic Behavior” (2011) David Rose examined the role of trust and the internalization of moral beliefs, and how this internalization affects cooperation among individuals. | | | |
< < | I think the real work to be done in generating a well-off and happy society is the work in instructing its members to behave morally in the absence of external incentives. | > > | The essence of Rose’s argument is that in the absence of methods of enforcing an agreement, such the lack of surveillance or law, people will engage in cooperate behaviors only when the risk of free-riding or breach is minimized because individuals internalize rules of behaviors. For example, we would be unwilling to lend money to someone we can’t monitor or reach unless we are assured that he will behave ethically. | | | |
< < | Which requires only
coming to a general agreement about what "behaving morally" means?
| > > | Rose’s starting point, that the moral structure of societies plays a fundamental role in their economic development through their members’ ability to cooperate, isn’t a particularly new idea. That cooperation depends on, among other things, trust, is also obvious. Rose’s contribution lies in his exploration of what beliefs are the most useful in facilitating trust and cooperation if a society’s sole objective is to maximize “general prosperity.” | | | |
< < | Only if we can believe rationally that other people are trustworthy will we be able to fully utilize the division of labor that is the hallmark of contemporary economies. | > > | My initial inclination was to explore what role the law plays in furthering cooperation and trust. However, even on a cursory examination, it’s apparent that the law’s role is both weak and contradictory. For instance, certain aspects of contract law serve to further reliance on promises, while other aspects invite and promote breach. Whole parts of the law have nothing to do with cooperation and trust and instead focus on risk allocation, or freedoms not justified on any economic basis. In short, reducing law to its function as a transaction cost is both under-inclusive and over-inclusive. | | | |
< < | Only when we are
rational, not irrational creatures will the contemporary economy
work? Too bad that will never happen, isn't
it? | > > | On reexamination, I find myself questioning the reasons for my motivation. Even if all the above is true, why I am interested in maximizing “general prosperity”? Rose defines that term as the maximum production of goods and services, but I don’t find that particularly convincing as prosperity. Unanswered in that definition are questions about sustainability, distribution, and justice. | | | |
< < | Until then, the law is just a transaction cost to make possible these arrangements in the absence of trust. Perhaps by believing that all people are self-interested we make it true and decrease our collective welfare in the process. | > > | The reductionist economic framework is tempting. With this tool, you can neatly assemble all of life’s messy bits (morality, cooperation, trust) into a machine that takes in rationally self-interested human beings, applies some incentives, turns the crank, and out comes “prosperity.” Like other ideologies it seems to be universal and self-evident after enough repetition. The econodwarf seems tall when you stoop to his level.
Steering away from reductionism, I believe it’s important to recognize an important contribution from Rose’s work: there are large areas of our lives where economics and law can’t reach, and in which our behavior is guided only by our morality. | | | |
< < | Law is just something?
That's the conclusion you want to stand behind on the basis of the
argument you've advanced? Surely you can see why a reader who has
any less blinkered view than this is unlikely to find the current
draft interesting. | > > | I immediately feel awkward making such an argument, as arguments based on “morality” are loaded with negative connotations, especially in today’s political climate. But if our role as lawyers is to imagine a set of social relations and to try to make them a reality through our powers of persuasion, then it is also important for lawyers to recognize the limits of the law and the limits of economic incentives. The promise of a future reward or the threat of a future punishment can only go so far. If we seek to bring about a set of social relations that are just, then our task doesn’t stop at changing legal and economic incentives, but extends into making normative, moral arguments. | | | |
< < | Procedurally, the route to improvement here is to go back to the
outline and edit it. Substantively, the goal is the avoidance of
reductionism. | > > | Creativity in legal thinking requires the amalgamation of different ways of thinking and different fields. Just as reductionist economics can be helpful but shouldn’t be the only tool, moral thinking can help generate insights, along with historical analysis, and sociological and psychological frameworks. Moral arguments also have strength where other tools fail, by advocating self-regulation in the absence of a watchful authority. | | | |
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> > | As future lawyers, we shouldn’t be afraid of making these arguments. Sticking to supposedly objective economic arguments, a la Posner, is both limiting and unhelpful. |
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