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LissetteDuranSecondPaper 3 - 29 Jul 2012 - Main.EbenMoglen
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META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondPaper" |
| | This shift towards less transparency and less accountability that would result from abolishing affirmative action programs is consistent with the shift in our society with respect to racial discrimination. Laws and actions are rarely discriminatory on their face. It is usually the nuances and subtleties of their effects that show their true purpose. Yet somehow nobody is responsible for them. The act itself—getting rid of affirmative action programs—is neutral (it means that race will not be used), but underlying it is a false notion that race is no longer a problem in this country. But it is. The sun has not set on racial disparities in schools. | |
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It's worthwhile being technical here. "Affirmative action" is not
sufficiently specific. You are speculating about whether the Court
might hold that race-conscious admission programs at public
universities deny equal protection to white applicants. Such
race-conscious admissions programs are remedies for past
constitutional violations, designed to prevent future racial
discrimination. Defending them on the generalized ground that
"diversity is good" turns out to be a poor choice. The argument that
the State has a compelling interest in fostering "diversity"
sufficient to justify race-conscious admission policies that prefer
people of African or Mexican descent to supposedly "more qualified"
white people is rejected by many .... white people.
But the State does have a compelling interest in preventing
unconstitutional racial discrimination. That persons of Mexican and
African ancestry would be discriminated against in all aspects of
life in Texas, including higher education, if federal force were no
longer applied through the courts, is pretty much apparent to
everyone in the world except Tejanos.
What you do not say in this essay's predictive effort to look past a
possible decision of the Supreme Court, is that a ruling shortening
Justice O'Connor's twenty-five years to ten would result in a
heightened interest in making class rather than race the basis
for admissions preferences. The cynical effort to use "race
neutrality" as a barrier to anti-discrimination reform has depended
on the "strict scrutiny" supposedly required to review the equal
protection effect of remedial measures design to prevent
discrimination. But class-based or poverty-based classification is
not subject to heightened scrutiny under equal protection dogma,
because capitalism needs to consider it merely "rational" to oppress
the poor. So "reverse discrimination" on behalf of the poor is not
hard for the State to justify against assaults from reactionary
pseudo-equality theory.
Nor do you consider the effect of doctrine such as that you imagine
the Court making on its own long-term position in a society that will
not be run by a white majority in the next generation. The
Republican Party as a whole, not only its Supreme Court justices, are
risking their fate if they do not come out of Richard Nixon's
white-resentment "Southern Strategy," well as it has worked for them
over the last generation, in time to avoid becoming anathema to
majority-minority America. John Roberts can see that, I suspect, as
clearly as he could see the long-term disadvantages, for him and the
Court, in the destruction of the ACA.
So this is a good start, but a little more pressing will take you a
good deal farther towards your intended destination.
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