| |
LissetteDuranSecondPaper 7 - 22 Aug 2012 - Main.LissetteDuran
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondPaper" |
| | Contributions from alumni and voiced oppositions from their student body can really make or break administrative decisions. However, in reality large financial contributions are made by white alumni. Most (if not all) billionaires and CEOs of companies are in the majority. Their money can influence but not necessarily to the advantage of minority students. In the same vein, the voices of minority students may not resonate as much as others. Yet, minority students and alumni are important. Schools will have to answer to them as well as any groups or organizations with which they may be affiliated. | |
< < | What's Left? | > > | A Legal Alternative | | | |
< < | [Discuss alternative "legal" ways to diversify--class-based policies; San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez; implications] | > > | In order to meet the pressures of these different groups, schools will have to find ways to keep diversifying their student body. One way to surpass the hurdle of strict scrutiny is to use class or socio-economic status instead. In San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, the Supreme Court held that wealth was not a suspect classification therefore, policies that discriminate on the basis of wealth are not subject to strict scrutiny. Instead, they are subjected to the rational basis test, for which any school would pass muster. Using class-based admissions policies would diversify student bodies because of the undeniable relationship between poverty and race in this country. | | | |
< < | It is beneficial for schools to reevaluate their affirmative action programs. They should constantly evaluate the successes of their methods to increase diversity. And allowing race to be openly considered in admissions policies makes that process more transparent. To an extent, schools are held accountable for their accomplishments and their failures. But most importantly, we acknowledge as a society that a problem of racial discrimination exists in our school systems and we are doing something about it. | > > | However a major shift to class-based policies seems unlikely. In this economy, schools are "struggling" to maintain their endowments and quick to raise the price tags on their admission. Race-conscious policies still helped schools achieve their economic goals because they could target the more affluent minority communities and still claim that their policies were working. With class-based policies, the (reported) target is to provide access to those who cannot afford to attend their college or university. Their numbers will continue to be low unless they can provide more grants and accommodations for those hesitant to make that significant financial commitment. Having just had a cousin apply to the SUNY system--mother unemployed, father deceased, living in a one-bedroom apartment with 5 people--and reading her $3,000 grant letter makes it doubtful that schools will jump at the opportunity to give full rides to a significant number just to increase their minority population. | | | |
< < | This shift towards less transparency and less accountability that would result from abolishing affirmative action programs is consistent with the shift in our society with respect to racial discrimination. Laws and actions are rarely discriminatory on their face. It is usually the nuances and subtleties of their effects that show their true purpose. Yet somehow nobody is responsible for them. The act itself—getting rid of affirmative action programs—is neutral (it means that race will not be used), but underlying it is a false notion that race is no longer a problem in this country. But it is. The sun has not set on racial disparities in schools.
It's worthwhile being technical here. "Affirmative action" is not
sufficiently specific. You are speculating about whether the Court
might hold that race-conscious admission programs at public
universities deny equal protection to white applicants. Such
race-conscious admissions programs are remedies for past
constitutional violations, designed to prevent future racial
discrimination. Defending them on the generalized ground that
"diversity is good" turns out to be a poor choice. The argument that
the State has a compelling interest in fostering "diversity"
sufficient to justify race-conscious admission policies that prefer
people of African or Mexican descent to supposedly "more qualified"
white people is rejected by many .... white people.
But the State does have a compelling interest in preventing
unconstitutional racial discrimination. That persons of Mexican and
African ancestry would be discriminated against in all aspects of
life in Texas, including higher education, if federal force were no
longer applied through the courts, is pretty much apparent to
everyone in the world except Tejanos.
What you do not say in this essay's predictive effort to look past a
possible decision of the Supreme Court, is that a ruling shortening
Justice O'Connor's twenty-five years to ten would result in a
heightened interest in making class rather than race the basis
for admissions preferences. The cynical effort to use "race
neutrality" as a barrier to anti-discrimination reform has depended
on the "strict scrutiny" supposedly required to review the equal
protection effect of remedial measures design to prevent
discrimination. But class-based or poverty-based classification is
not subject to heightened scrutiny under equal protection dogma,
because capitalism needs to consider it merely "rational" to oppress
the poor. So "reverse discrimination" on behalf of the poor is not
hard for the State to justify against assaults from reactionary
pseudo-equality theory.
Nor do you consider the effect of doctrine such as that you imagine
the Court making on its own long-term position in a society that will
not be run by a white majority in the next generation. The
Republican Party as a whole, not only its Supreme Court justices, are
risking their fate if they do not come out of Richard Nixon's
white-resentment "Southern Strategy," well as it has worked for them
over the last generation, in time to avoid becoming anathema to
majority-minority America. John Roberts can see that, I suspect, as
clearly as he could see the long-term disadvantages, for him and the
Court, in the destruction of the ACA.
So this is a good start, but a little more pressing will take you a
good deal farther towards your intended destination. | > > | Conclusion | | | |
< < | | > > | Despite the apprehension, the Supreme Court's reopening of the affirmative action discussion might be beneficial. Schools should reevaluate their race-conscous policies. These policies should be monitored to determine whether the policy is effective or not. And by allowing race to be openly considered in admissions policies, the Court is making that process more transparent. To an extent, schools are held accountable for their accomplishments and their failures. But most importantly, we acknowledge as a society that a problem of racial discrimination exists in our school systems and we are doing something about it. | | | |
< < |
I would like to continue working with you both on this and other pieces in the future. I still want to learn how to flesh out an idea effectively, edit my work, and be a little more creative. You have really taught me about thinking outside of the box (or opinion) and I want to continue that process throughout my law school career. Thank you. | | \ No newline at end of file | |
> > | This shift towards less transparency and less accountability that would result from abolishing affirmative action programs is consistent with the shift in our society with respect to racial discrimination. Laws and actions are rarely discriminatory on their face. It is usually the nuances and subtleties of their effects that show their true purpose. Yet somehow nobody is responsible for them. The act itself—getting rid of affirmative action programs—is neutral (it means that race will not be used), but underlying it is a false notion that race is no longer a problem in this country. But it is. The sun has not set on racial disparities in schools. |
|
|
|
This site is powered by the TWiki collaboration platform. All material on this collaboration platform is the property of the contributing authors. All material marked as authored by Eben Moglen is available under the license terms CC-BY-SA version 4.
|
|
| |