AliAbidSecondEssay 3 - 19 Feb 2025 - Main.AliAbid
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META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
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< < | | | The Arab Spring: The "Social Media Revolution"?
-- By AliAbid - 07 Dec 2024 | | Introduction | |
< < | In 2011, as I sat through my world history class learning about the various revolutions of the past, I never thought I would be watching one happen with my own eyes. I remember logging onto Facebook and Twitter and seeing hundreds of posts showcasing a wave of Egyptian citizens gathered to protest their government. Thousands of miles away, I was seeing a resistance movement develop through the dissemination of the internet. At the time, I did not fully understand their cause but from what my world history class taught, revolutions usually spurred from oppression.
The Egyptian Revolution was not an isolated occurrence. It was part of a greater series of uprisings and protests across North Africa and the Middle East known as the Arab Spring. These uprisings sought justice and freedom from the authoritarian regimes so common to the Arab world. Often referred to as the “social media revolution”, the internet was a unifying force for the Arab Spring movement. It was a space where resistance flourished. The internet amplified voices from the streets of Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria and echoed them across the world. While there were positive aspects of the internet’s role in the movement, it also exposed the inequalities of access and the fragility of online activism. This is precisely why some criticize the labeling of the Arab Spring as a “social media revolution”. It was a revolution by the people, that was amplified and sometimes constrained by the internet. | > > | The Arab Spring is often labeled a "social media revolution," but this label oversimplifies the complexity of these uprisings. While platforms like Facebook and Twitter played a role in organizing protests, the story also lies in the innovative strategies activists developed to counter digital censorship and evade online surveillance. From the elusive channels used in Egypt to the fiery tactics in Syria, the Arab Spring demonstrated both the power and the limitations of digital activism. While the internet facilitated mobilization, it also became a tool for authoritarian regimes to suppress opposition movements. | | | |
< < | The Digital Spark | | | |
< < | The story of the Arab Spring starts with Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor who sold fruits and vegetables in Tunisia. The local police confiscated his weight scales and gave him the reason of not being properly licensed to sell his goods. While this seems like a reasonable justification in western countries, this was just another common act of corruption to try and get bribes out of people. This is further supported by Bouazizi going to the provincial government building in Tunis to try and rectify the issue but getting denied without even a chance to explain his issue. Feeling humiliated and seeing no way to combat the corruption in his country, he decided to commit one final act of defiance. In December 2010, he went in front of the same provincial government building that denied him entrance and set himself on fire. The internet became the force that carried the weight of his story. Facebook and Twitter posts shared his final moments, spurring a collective realization for millions facing their own struggles with dignity and survival in the Arab world. In this way, the internet became a vital tool to unveil the dissatisfaction shared by people across the region. In Tunisia, thousands gathered in the center of Tunis to demand the resignation of President Ben Ali. This mass mobilization resulted in Ben Ali resigning and fleeing to Saudi Arabia in January 2011. | > > | Digital Resistance Ignites | | | |
< < | In Egypt, another tragedy sparked an uprising. In June 2010, a young man Khaled Said, was arrested in an internet café in Alexandria. The detectives that arrested him proceeded to heinously beat Said to death, even continuing to beat him after the point of his death. Said’s brother posted a picture of the brutal state of Khaled’s body online and the public outcry was immense. A Facebook page memorializing his life called “We Are All Khaled Said”, went viral. This page became a hub for Egyptians to share their negative experiences and sentiments of the government and its officials. Similarly, the internet and social media became a digital forum to organize protests. On Twitter, the hashtag #Jan25 became a rallying cry to coordinate protests at Cairo’s gathering central, Tahrir Square. Tens of thousands of people gathered there protesting the autocratic regime and demanded change. In February 2011, after almost thirty years in power, President Hosni Mubarak stepped down. | > > | The Arab Spring movement was first sparked in Tunisia by the desperate act of local street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi. In December 2010, after facing years of police harassment, confiscation of his shop inventory and being denied any recourse by the government, Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest of governmental corruption. The images and videos of his death spread like wildfire on social media. His sacrifice symbolized the suffering so many Tunisians felt and thus ignited a wave of protests throughout the country. This mass mobilization eventually led to President Ben Ali being overthrown in January 2011. The online dissemination of these events exposed Arab governmental corruption beyond the region to the broader global audience. The events in Tunisia showcased the power of the internet as a tool for liberation. | | | |
< < | The Digital Limits | > > | The seeds of digital activism soon spread to Egypt. The murder of Khaled Said, a young man from Alexandria who was mutilated to death by Egyptian police in June 2010, became a defining moment for digital resistance. His death became a symbol for rallying against government oppression. The Facebook page titled “We Are All Khaled Said”, became a digital square for organizing revolution against the reign of dictator Hosni Mubarak. | | | |
< < | As these movements spread online, the limitations of the internet as a revolutionary force were exposed. The internet in the Arab Spring, was not a perfect equalizer. It amplified some voices but left others unheard. Digital access mirrored existing inequalities in the region. In rural areas where internet infrastructure was limited and among women in more conservative areas with strict limitations over public participation, access to the platforms that drove these uprisings was often constrained. | > > | As calls for change first started, social media and online forums greatly aided in the organization of protests. The Egyptian government recognized the impact of the internet on Tunisia’s revolution and sought to mitigate it. The government started closely monitoring online activity and arresting individuals deemed against the regime. In response, activists employed a range of strategies to outmaneuver online surveillance. When the Egyptian government made the unprecedented decision to cut off internet access to the country, rebels repurposed old landlines and dial-up modems to connect with internet servers outside of the country. Groups like 'We Rebuild', facilitated communication by establishing proxy servers to bypass government firefalls and reroute internet traffic through unaffected networks. Tor was used to anonymously access the internet and access sites that were blocked. Google and Twitter also launched, Speak-To-Tweet, allowing Egyptians to call in voice messages that were converted into tweets. This rapid adaptation ensured that information continued to flow despite the internet blackout. | | | |
< < | Digital spaces are also not free from state control. While they were tools of liberation for those seeking change, they were also tools of oppression for those in power. The Egyptian government used the very same social media platforms protesters used to mobilize, to monitor and arrest activists. In Syria, the Assad regime spread disinformation online and sought to hack dissidents to spread fear and uncertainty. The ramifications of the parasite and the God’s eye were used here to quell and limit online revolutions. The actions of the oppressive regimes and the hopeful protesters showcase an interesting paradox. The internet for one side could be viewed as a liberating force but could also be used as a tool of oppression for the authoritarian regimes. | > > | Protesters turned to offline methods as well. Many groups ran their operation in a sleeper cell system. Leadership committees from different locales would come together to meet in central locations then return home to disseminate handwritten organizing documents to members. Liberators also used encrypted SMS messaging and Bluetooth based systems to organize demonstrations and share updates without using traceable internet connections. These methods showcase the depth of the Arab resistance beyond that of just social media. | | | |
< < | As the uprisings progressed, it became clear that the internet’s ability to spark movements did not guarantee their success. In countries like Libya and Syria, the movement for change gave way to civil war. In Egypt, the military reasserted its control after Mubarak’s resignation, and the country entered another era of political repression. This trajectory raises questions about the limits of modern revolutions, digital or otherwise.
Conclusion | > > | Cyber Battlegrounds | | | |
< < | The Arab Spring was driven by ordinary people demanding dignity and change. The internet played a critical role, but it cannot be considered the cause or the solution here. It amplified voices and connected people but reflected the same inequalities and contradictions reflected in the Arab world. | > > | While activists utilized digital tools for liberation throughout the Arab world, many regimes also adapted to combat them. In Bahrain, the government used telecom networks to track and target protesters. Those carrying smartphones to demonstrations were identified through geolocation tracking, leading to mass arrests and brutal torture of detainees. | | | |
< < | The legacy of the Arab Spring is both inspiring and cautionary. It showed the internet’s power to challenge entrenched regimes and unite marginalized voices. But it also revealed the fragility of movements that rely too heavily on online platforms. | > > | In Syria, the Assad regime employed more sophisticated counterinsurgency methods. The networks of opposition groups were hacked through phishing attacks and malware designed to extract passwords and personal data from activists. This led to widespread arrests and many activists disappearing after being tracked through these methods. The regime also engaged in digital disinformation campaigns, flooding social media platforms with propaganda and false narratives to create confusion and undermine the liberation efforts. | | | |
< < |
This draft does not actually discuss the very good subject it's about. The general history of the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria, the protests in Bahrain, etc. can be handled in a couple of sentences a d a handful of links. The details of what our comrades (particular in Alexandria) accomplished, on the other hand, using both the mass platforms and self-created technologies have been largely ignored, as you ignore them here. My comrades in Bahrain who were tortured because they took iPhones to demonstrations, how the Emirates rebuilt their telecomms as a tool of permanent despotic surveillance, and many other similar subjects were available for you to explore, from which even well-informed readers could learn much, and future young people seeking liberation could benefit.
| > > | This was cyber warfare and Syrian activists refused to stand down. To evade digital surveillance, they utilized satellite phones and modems to communicate and organize the resistance. Likewise, they established connection to internet networks in Lebanon and Turkey to avoid being monitored by the government. VPNs and the Tor network were widely used to anonymize online activities. | | | |
< < | Works Cited | > > | Going offensive, an opposition group modified hacking software initially made by the government to launch denial of service (DDoS) attacks against their networks. Activists created an app that allowed people to document governmental violence in real time to refute false explanations. Another rebel group managed to get a hold of President Assad and his wife’s emails that showed their disdain for the Syrian people and disseminated them publicly, further fueling the resistance. | | | |
< < |
Why aren't these links attached to the relevant anchors in the text, in the usual hypertext form? We are writing for the Web; why make it difficult for the reader? You can use the "make a link" button in the browser wiki editor, or see TextFormattingRules for the actual markdown. It's easy either way.
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< < | https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-arab-spring | > > | Illusion of Freedom | | | |
< < | https://journalistsresource.org/economics/research-arab-spring-internet-key-studies/ | > > | The fear of political uprising brought upon by the Arab Spring led many Gulf states to invest heavily in despotic digital surveillance networks to deter future insurrection. For instance, the United Arab Emirates, rebuilt its telecom infrastructure into a complete surveillance network. The UAE developed a system where all internet traffic is routed through government servers, creating a system for continuous monitoring of citizens. In Dubai, the government incorporated AI-based facial recognition technology to ensure that any form of public dissent could be easily identified and suppressed. Bahrain and Saudi Arabia followed suit by utilizing spyware such as Pegasus to infiltrate the devices of journalists, activists, and opposition figures like Jamal Khashoggi. These governments created an infrastructure that allowed a veil of internet discourse to exist while still constantly surveilling and manipulating it. | | | |
< < | https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020/12/17/remembering-mohamed-bouazizi-his-death-triggered-the-arab
https://www.washington.edu/news/2011/09/12/new-study-quantifies-use-of-social-media-in-arab-spring/
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/1/27/the-social-media-myth-about-the-arab-spring | > > | Conclusion | | | |
< < | https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1940161212471716 | > > | The Arab Spring demonstrated how the Internet could be leveraged to challenge authoritarian rule, but it also proved that states could adapt and use the same tools for repression. These uprisings showcased the novel methods activists in places like Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria, used to uphold resistance. However, many regimes responded with sophisticated digital surveillance and cyber warfare methods to combat opposition. As these oppressive regimes continue to adapt, so must the tactics of the liberators seeking to fight for freedom. | | |
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AliAbidSecondEssay 2 - 11 Jan 2025 - Main.EbenMoglen
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META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
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< < | | | The Arab Spring: The "Social Media Revolution"?
-- By AliAbid - 07 Dec 2024 | | The legacy of the Arab Spring is both inspiring and cautionary. It showed the internet’s power to challenge entrenched regimes and unite marginalized voices. But it also revealed the fragility of movements that rely too heavily on online platforms. | |
> > |
This draft does not actually discuss the very good subject it's about. The general history of the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria, the protests in Bahrain, etc. can be handled in a couple of sentences a d a handful of links. The details of what our comrades (particular in Alexandria) accomplished, on the other hand, using both the mass platforms and self-created technologies have been largely ignored, as you ignore them here. My comrades in Bahrain who were tortured because they took iPhones to demonstrations, how the Emirates rebuilt their telecomms as a tool of permanent despotic surveillance, and many other similar subjects were available for you to explore, from which even well-informed readers could learn much, and future young people seeking liberation could benefit.
| | Works Cited | |
> > |
Why aren't these links attached to the relevant anchors in the text, in the usual hypertext form? We are writing for the Web; why make it difficult for the reader? You can use the "make a link" button in the browser wiki editor, or see TextFormattingRules for the actual markdown. It's easy either way.
| | https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-arab-spring
https://journalistsresource.org/economics/research-arab-spring-internet-key-studies/ |
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AliAbidSecondEssay 1 - 07 Dec 2024 - Main.AliAbid
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> > |
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
The Arab Spring: The "Social Media Revolution"?
-- By AliAbid - 07 Dec 2024
Introduction
In 2011, as I sat through my world history class learning about the various revolutions of the past, I never thought I would be watching one happen with my own eyes. I remember logging onto Facebook and Twitter and seeing hundreds of posts showcasing a wave of Egyptian citizens gathered to protest their government. Thousands of miles away, I was seeing a resistance movement develop through the dissemination of the internet. At the time, I did not fully understand their cause but from what my world history class taught, revolutions usually spurred from oppression.
The Egyptian Revolution was not an isolated occurrence. It was part of a greater series of uprisings and protests across North Africa and the Middle East known as the Arab Spring. These uprisings sought justice and freedom from the authoritarian regimes so common to the Arab world. Often referred to as the “social media revolution”, the internet was a unifying force for the Arab Spring movement. It was a space where resistance flourished. The internet amplified voices from the streets of Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria and echoed them across the world. While there were positive aspects of the internet’s role in the movement, it also exposed the inequalities of access and the fragility of online activism. This is precisely why some criticize the labeling of the Arab Spring as a “social media revolution”. It was a revolution by the people, that was amplified and sometimes constrained by the internet.
The Digital Spark
The story of the Arab Spring starts with Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vendor who sold fruits and vegetables in Tunisia. The local police confiscated his weight scales and gave him the reason of not being properly licensed to sell his goods. While this seems like a reasonable justification in western countries, this was just another common act of corruption to try and get bribes out of people. This is further supported by Bouazizi going to the provincial government building in Tunis to try and rectify the issue but getting denied without even a chance to explain his issue. Feeling humiliated and seeing no way to combat the corruption in his country, he decided to commit one final act of defiance. In December 2010, he went in front of the same provincial government building that denied him entrance and set himself on fire. The internet became the force that carried the weight of his story. Facebook and Twitter posts shared his final moments, spurring a collective realization for millions facing their own struggles with dignity and survival in the Arab world. In this way, the internet became a vital tool to unveil the dissatisfaction shared by people across the region. In Tunisia, thousands gathered in the center of Tunis to demand the resignation of President Ben Ali. This mass mobilization resulted in Ben Ali resigning and fleeing to Saudi Arabia in January 2011.
In Egypt, another tragedy sparked an uprising. In June 2010, a young man Khaled Said, was arrested in an internet café in Alexandria. The detectives that arrested him proceeded to heinously beat Said to death, even continuing to beat him after the point of his death. Said’s brother posted a picture of the brutal state of Khaled’s body online and the public outcry was immense. A Facebook page memorializing his life called “We Are All Khaled Said”, went viral. This page became a hub for Egyptians to share their negative experiences and sentiments of the government and its officials. Similarly, the internet and social media became a digital forum to organize protests. On Twitter, the hashtag #Jan25 became a rallying cry to coordinate protests at Cairo’s gathering central, Tahrir Square. Tens of thousands of people gathered there protesting the autocratic regime and demanded change. In February 2011, after almost thirty years in power, President Hosni Mubarak stepped down.
The Digital Limits
As these movements spread online, the limitations of the internet as a revolutionary force were exposed. The internet in the Arab Spring, was not a perfect equalizer. It amplified some voices but left others unheard. Digital access mirrored existing inequalities in the region. In rural areas where internet infrastructure was limited and among women in more conservative areas with strict limitations over public participation, access to the platforms that drove these uprisings was often constrained.
Digital spaces are also not free from state control. While they were tools of liberation for those seeking change, they were also tools of oppression for those in power. The Egyptian government used the very same social media platforms protesters used to mobilize, to monitor and arrest activists. In Syria, the Assad regime spread disinformation online and sought to hack dissidents to spread fear and uncertainty. The ramifications of the parasite and the God’s eye were used here to quell and limit online revolutions. The actions of the oppressive regimes and the hopeful protesters showcase an interesting paradox. The internet for one side could be viewed as a liberating force but could also be used as a tool of oppression for the authoritarian regimes.
As the uprisings progressed, it became clear that the internet’s ability to spark movements did not guarantee their success. In countries like Libya and Syria, the movement for change gave way to civil war. In Egypt, the military reasserted its control after Mubarak’s resignation, and the country entered another era of political repression. This trajectory raises questions about the limits of modern revolutions, digital or otherwise.
Conclusion
The Arab Spring was driven by ordinary people demanding dignity and change. The internet played a critical role, but it cannot be considered the cause or the solution here. It amplified voices and connected people but reflected the same inequalities and contradictions reflected in the Arab world.
The legacy of the Arab Spring is both inspiring and cautionary. It showed the internet’s power to challenge entrenched regimes and unite marginalized voices. But it also revealed the fragility of movements that rely too heavily on online platforms.
Works Cited
https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-arab-spring
https://journalistsresource.org/economics/research-arab-spring-internet-key-studies/
https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020/12/17/remembering-mohamed-bouazizi-his-death-triggered-the-arab
https://www.washington.edu/news/2011/09/12/new-study-quantifies-use-of-social-media-in-arab-spring/
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/1/27/the-social-media-myth-about-the-arab-spring
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1940161212471716
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Revision 3 | r3 - 19 Feb 2025 - 13:39:49 - AliAbid |
Revision 2 | r2 - 11 Jan 2025 - 16:23:57 - EbenMoglen |
Revision 1 | r1 - 07 Dec 2024 - 21:03:16 - AliAbid |
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