ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 8 - 15 Jan 2016 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| | The proliferation of the Internet – like the invention of agriculture, the drawing of the written word, and the rise of industrial capitalism – is a historically disruptive techno-cultural development. Like each of those prior events, the Internet has brought with it new freedoms, new forms of expression, and new potentialities for the human race. When communication is freely accessible and outside the control of centralized power, ordinary citizens gain a greater capacity to live, learn, and create, all on their own terms. Yet with every new freedom come new risks, dangers, and forms of exploitation. The Internet is no exception. It is in fact the unprecedented challenges that have arisen in a decentralized, globalized world that are opening the door for the institutions of old to temporarily reclaim their grip on power. | |
< < | What those institutions will not admit is that their outdated instruments and tactics will never work in a world that has fundamentally changed, so the goal of the free software movement must be to admit it for them. Surveillance will never stop violent extremism. Competing nation-states will never stop climate change. Corporations and corrupt politicians will never reverse wealth inequality. What those problems call for instead is a citizenry that is fully informed, creative, technically capable, and openly collaborative. Insofar as a citizenry that is all those things is mutually exclusive with one that is under surveillance, that is limited by nation-states, and that is manipulated by corporations and corrupt politicians, free software is not just the end; it is the means to the end. | > > | What those institutions will not admit is that their outdated instruments and tactics will never work in a world that has fundamentally changed, so the goal of the free software movement must be to admit it for them. Surveillance will never stop violent extremism. Competing nation-states will never stop climate change. Corporations and corrupt politicians will never reverse wealth inequality. What those problems call for instead is a citizenry that is fully informed, creative, technically capable, and openly collaborative. Insofar as a citizenry that is all those things is mutually exclusive with one that is under surveillance, that is limited by nation-states, and that is manipulated by corporations and corrupt politicians, free software must not just be the end; it must be the means to the end. | | What We Are Winning
What we are winning is the spectre that haunts Europe. The masses are gradually coming to terms with the nature of their struggles, and we are ready to provide what they crave. In a world shrouded in darkness, we are shining the light. In a world that grows increasingly cynical, we are the voice of hope and optimism. In a world that has been told to love that which oppresses it, we are providing a path to genuine human freedom. | |
< < | What Snowden took away is their plausible deniability. The government is spying on us, taking our personal data and using it for their own purposes. The question is no longer “are they doing it?,” but, rather, “is it acceptable?” The whistleblowers we are fighting to protect are creating a world in which governments and corporations will not be able to hide their malfeasance from humanity. | > > | What Snowden took away is their plausible deniability. The government is spying on us, taking our personal data and using it for their own purposes. The question is no longer “are they doing it?,” but, rather, “is it acceptable?” The whistleblowers we are fighting to protect are forging a world in which governments and corporations will not be able to hide their malfeasance from humanity. | | Meanwhile, the masses are losing faith in the capacity of centralized government to solve the really existing problems affecting their lives. All across the world, people are demanding change faster than their governments can provide it. On the one hand, people are turning away from traditional political rhetoric and searching for new kinds of leaders. But more than anything, they are turning their attention online, finding new ways to express their hopes and frustrations. The democratic forum we have been fighting for is opening, slowly but inevitably. | | What Is Left to Win | |
< < | What is left to win is a population that understands there is nothing to lose but its chains. The People of Earth are afraid. The challenges they face appear insurmountable to them, so they are turning to the devil they know. The best way to fight this inclination is to forge viable alternatives using the resources we already have. It is not enough to show them that freedom and democracy are possible. We must demonstrate that freedom and democracy are worth fighting for. | > > | What is left to win is a population that understands there is nothing to lose but its chains. The People of Earth are afraid. The challenges they face appear insurmountable to them, so they are turning to the devil they know for solutions. We must fight this inclination by leveraging the resources at our disposal to construct alternative instruments that exercise social force, ones that are grounded in freedom and democracy. It is not enough to construct an open Internet; to win prospects, we must actually use it to solve real-world problems. | | | |
< < | In our rush to critique the evils of surveillance, we are allowing it to emerge, more or less unchallenged, as the most viable solution to violent extremism. To be clear, there is no tradeoff between freedom and security. Surveillance is an ineffective tactic against dedicated combatants, and its usage by governments and profit-driven enterprise stifles the creativity of ordinary citizens. We must give substance to this argument by directing our existing creative machinery and know-how toward promoting liberal and democratic solutions to prevent violent behavior. DDoS attacks show promise here, but we need more people to participate in such efforts and also develop new solutions along the way. | > > | In our rush to critique the evils of surveillance, we are allowing its perceived efficacy to go more or less unchallenged. To be clear, the optimal way to enhance security is to give people freedom, not take it away. Surveillance is an ineffective tactic against dedicated combatants. In practice, its usage by governments and profit-driven enterprise serve only to degrade our creative capacity to solve problems. We must substantiate this critique by directing our existing creative machinery and know-how toward promoting liberal and democratic solutions to confront extremism. DDoS attacks show promise here, but such efforts require more participants and we must also develop new solutions along the way. | | | |
< < | The seamless links between privacy and creative democracy, and between creative democracy and innovation, must become readily obvious to any rational observer. Climate change in particular is a problem area for corporations and governments because it is becoming increasingly clear that profit motivation and nationalism are standing in the way. We must attack this pressure point by finding ways to finance and develop clean energy solutions through crowdsourcing. Efforts such as solar roadways have shown that this approach is possible, but we must make it a point of emphasis for members of our community. | > > | We must also make the logical connections between privacy and creative democracy, and between creative democracy and innovation, readily obvious by practicing innovation ourselves. Climate change in particular is a problem area for corporations and governments because profit motivation and nationalism are counterproductive. We must attack this pressure point by finding ways to finance and develop clean energy solutions through crowdsourcing. Efforts such as solar roadways have shown that this approach is possible, but we must make it a point of emphasis for members of our community. | | | |
< < | Finally, we must foster a generation that is situationally aware and technically capable. The weapons of coding and free information must be presented as such by teachers and mentors who know how. Students must have the freedom to apply the promise of Internet technology to the problems around them, not merely the ones that are spoon-fed to them by classroom exercises and, eventually, corporations. Structure can be the enemy of creativity, and we must not allow it to be. | > > | Finally, we must foster a generation that is situationally aware and technically capable. The weapons of coding and free information must be presented as such by teachers and mentors who know how. Students must have the freedom to apply Internet technology to the problems around them, not merely the ones that are spoon-fed by classroom exercises and, eventually, corporations. Too much structure can degrade creativity, and we must not allow it to do so. | | What Will Remain | |
< < | What will remain is either a direct democracy built around a citizenry that is empowered or a direct democracy built around a citizenry that lives in fear. Because of what we have already achieved, the nation-state-corporation apparatus is withering away, but it is our task to ensure that humanity is prepared to rise out of the ashes. To get there, however, we must recognize the interdependency of freedom and obligation. The change we need will not come from above, so it must come from within. | > > | What will remain is either a direct democracy built around an empowered citizenry or one built around a citizenry living in fear. Because of what we have already achieved, the nation-state-corporation apparatus is withering away, but it is our task to ensure that humanity is prepared to rise out of the ashes. To get there, however, we must recognize the interdependency of freedom and obligation. The change we need will not come from above, so it must come from within. | | |
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 7 - 15 Jan 2016 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| | What those institutions will not admit is that their outdated instruments and tactics will never work in a world that has fundamentally changed, so the goal of the free software movement must be to admit it for them. Surveillance will never stop violent extremism. Competing nation-states will never stop climate change. Corporations and corrupt politicians will never reverse wealth inequality. What those problems call for instead is a citizenry that is fully informed, creative, technically capable, and openly collaborative. Insofar as a citizenry that is all those things is mutually exclusive with one that is under surveillance, that is limited by nation-states, and that is manipulated by corporations and corrupt politicians, free software is not just the end; it is the means to the end. | |
< < | What We Have Won | > > | What We Are Winning | | | |
< < | What we have won is the spectre that haunts Europe. The masses are gradually coming to terms with the nature of their struggles, and we are ready to provide what they crave. In a world shrouded in darkness, we are shining the light. In a world that grows increasingly cynical, we are the voice of hope and optimism. In a world that has been told to love that which oppresses it, we are providing a path to genuine human freedom. | > > | What we are winning is the spectre that haunts Europe. The masses are gradually coming to terms with the nature of their struggles, and we are ready to provide what they crave. In a world shrouded in darkness, we are shining the light. In a world that grows increasingly cynical, we are the voice of hope and optimism. In a world that has been told to love that which oppresses it, we are providing a path to genuine human freedom. | | | |
< < | Edward Snowden took away their plausible deniability. The government is spying on us, taking our personal data and using it for their own purposes. The question is no longer “are they doing it?,” but, rather, “is it acceptable?” The whistleblowers we are fighting to protect are creating a world in which governments and corporations will not be able to hide their malfeasance from humanity. | > > | What Snowden took away is their plausible deniability. The government is spying on us, taking our personal data and using it for their own purposes. The question is no longer “are they doing it?,” but, rather, “is it acceptable?” The whistleblowers we are fighting to protect are creating a world in which governments and corporations will not be able to hide their malfeasance from humanity. | | | |
< < | Meanwhile, the masses are losing faith in the capacity of centralized government to solve the really existing problems affecting their lives. All across the world, people are demanding change faster than their governments can provide it. On the one hand, people are turning away from traditional political rhetoric and searching for new kinds of leaders. But more than anything, they are turning their attention online, finding new ways to express their hopes and frustrations. The democratic forum we have been fighting for is opening, slowly but inevitably. | > > | Meanwhile, the masses are losing faith in the capacity of centralized government to solve the really existing problems affecting their lives. All across the world, people are demanding change faster than their governments can provide it. On the one hand, people are turning away from traditional political rhetoric and searching for new kinds of leaders. But more than anything, they are turning their attention online, finding new ways to express their hopes and frustrations. The democratic forum we have been fighting for is opening, slowly but inevitably. | | | |
< < | The internal contradiction of capitalist accumulation is coming to fore. Production demands that workers are efficient, but consumption demands they remain distracted. The masses are viscerally disgusted by profit-driven attempts to control their thought-flow and waste their time. Gradually, often unconsciously, they are finding ways to avoid being manipulated. In doing so, they begin to seize control of their own destinies. | > > | The internal contradiction of capitalist accumulation is coming to fore. Production demands that workers are efficient, but consumption demands they remain distracted. The masses are viscerally disgusted by profit-driven attempts to control their thought-flow and waste their time. Gradually, often unconsciously, they are finding ways to avoid being manipulated. In doing so, they begin to seize control of their own destinies. | | | |
< < | What We Must Still Win | > > | What Is Left to Win | | | |
< < | What we must still win is a population that understands there is nothing to lose but its chains. The People of Earth are afraid. The challenges they face appear insurmountable to them, so they are turning to the devil they know. The best way to fight this inclination is to forge viable alternatives using the resources we already have. It is not enough to show them that freedom and democracy are possible. We must demonstrate that freedom and democracy are worth fighting for. | > > | What is left to win is a population that understands there is nothing to lose but its chains. The People of Earth are afraid. The challenges they face appear insurmountable to them, so they are turning to the devil they know. The best way to fight this inclination is to forge viable alternatives using the resources we already have. It is not enough to show them that freedom and democracy are possible. We must demonstrate that freedom and democracy are worth fighting for. | | | |
< < | In our rush to critique the evils of surveillance, we are allowing it to emerge, more or less unchallenged, as the most viable solution to violent extremism. To be clear, there is no tradeoff between freedom and security. Surveillance is an ineffective tactic against dedicated combatants, and its usage by governments and profit-driven enterprise stifles the creativity of ordinary citizens. We must give substance to this argument by directing our existing creative machinery and know-how toward promoting liberal and democratic solutions to prevent violent behavior. DDoS? attacks show promise here, but we need more people to participate in such efforts and also develop new solutions along the way. | > > | In our rush to critique the evils of surveillance, we are allowing it to emerge, more or less unchallenged, as the most viable solution to violent extremism. To be clear, there is no tradeoff between freedom and security. Surveillance is an ineffective tactic against dedicated combatants, and its usage by governments and profit-driven enterprise stifles the creativity of ordinary citizens. We must give substance to this argument by directing our existing creative machinery and know-how toward promoting liberal and democratic solutions to prevent violent behavior. DDoS attacks show promise here, but we need more people to participate in such efforts and also develop new solutions along the way. | | | |
< < | The seamless links between privacy and creative democracy, and between creative democracy and innovation, must become readily obvious to any rational observer. Climate change in particular is a problem area for corporations and governments because it is becoming increasingly clear that profit motivation and nationalism are standing in the way. We must attack this pressure point by finding ways to finance and develop clean energy solutions through crowdsourcing. Efforts such as solar panel roadways have shown that this approach is possible, but we must make it a point of emphasis for members of our community. | > > | The seamless links between privacy and creative democracy, and between creative democracy and innovation, must become readily obvious to any rational observer. Climate change in particular is a problem area for corporations and governments because it is becoming increasingly clear that profit motivation and nationalism are standing in the way. We must attack this pressure point by finding ways to finance and develop clean energy solutions through crowdsourcing. Efforts such as solar roadways have shown that this approach is possible, but we must make it a point of emphasis for members of our community. | | | |
< < | Finally, we must foster a generation that is situationally aware and technically capable. The weapons of coding and free information must be presented as such by teachers and mentors who know how. Students must have the freedom to apply the promise of Internet technology to the problems around them, not merely the ones that are spoon-fed to them by classroom exercises and, eventually, corporations. Structure can be the enemy of creativity, and we must not allow it to be. | > > | Finally, we must foster a generation that is situationally aware and technically capable. The weapons of coding and free information must be presented as such by teachers and mentors who know how. Students must have the freedom to apply the promise of Internet technology to the problems around them, not merely the ones that are spoon-fed to them by classroom exercises and, eventually, corporations. Structure can be the enemy of creativity, and we must not allow it to be. | | What Will Remain | |
< < | What will remain is either a direct democracy built around a citizenry that is empowered or a direct democracy built around a citizenry that lives in fear. Because of what we have already achieved, the nation-state-corporation apparatus is withering away, but it is our task to ensure that humanity is prepared to rise out of the ashes. In order to get there, however, we must each recognize the mutual dependency of freedom and obligation. The change we are searching for must come from within. | > > | What will remain is either a direct democracy built around a citizenry that is empowered or a direct democracy built around a citizenry that lives in fear. Because of what we have already achieved, the nation-state-corporation apparatus is withering away, but it is our task to ensure that humanity is prepared to rise out of the ashes. To get there, however, we must recognize the interdependency of freedom and obligation. The change we need will not come from above, so it must come from within. | | |
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 6 - 15 Jan 2016 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| | Introduction | |
< < | The proliferation of the Internet over the last two decades – like the invention of agriculture, the drawing of the written word, and the rise of industrial capitalism – is a historically disruptive techno-cultural development that is fundamentally reorienting the contours of human life. In this brave new world, the manner in which power operates is unprecedented– it is subtle, decentralized, and uncontained. If the primary responsibility of civilization is to regulate power, the extant generation must respond effectively to these new dynamics. How will we punish bad behavior and enforce social norms? What are the duties and rights of ordinary citizens, and what values must those obligations serve? Our species has asked itself these questions many times over 10,000 years. Yet at each inflection point, the answers have changed. | > > | The proliferation of the Internet – like the invention of agriculture, the drawing of the written word, and the rise of industrial capitalism – is a historically disruptive techno-cultural development. Like each of those prior events, the Internet has brought with it new freedoms, new forms of expression, and new potentialities for the human race. When communication is freely accessible and outside the control of centralized power, ordinary citizens gain a greater capacity to live, learn, and create, all on their own terms. Yet with every new freedom come new risks, dangers, and forms of exploitation. The Internet is no exception. It is in fact the unprecedented challenges that have arisen in a decentralized, globalized world that are opening the door for the institutions of old to temporarily reclaim their grip on power. | | | |
< < |
First of all, here begins my use of the confusing phrase "regulate power" that I repeat multiple times but to which I ascribe little in the way of substantive meaning. Second, my desire to hook the reader has allowed the introduction to lose focus. The essay is about two things: (1) the capacity of the Internet to democratize the levers of power from nation-states to ordinary citizens and (2) the obstacles facing those citizens in utilizing that power effectively (which more or less center around control of their thought-flow by private industry). The Reader should know that this is the conceptual framework in which I will be operating, but she does not. | > > | What those institutions will not admit is that their outdated instruments and tactics will never work in a world that has fundamentally changed, so the goal of the free software movement must be to admit it for them. Surveillance will never stop violent extremism. Competing nation-states will never stop climate change. Corporations and corrupt politicians will never reverse wealth inequality. What those problems call for instead is a citizenry that is fully informed, creative, technically capable, and openly collaborative. Insofar as a citizenry that is all those things is mutually exclusive with one that is under surveillance, that is limited by nation-states, and that is manipulated by corporations and corrupt politicians, free software is not just the end; it is the means to the end. | | | |
< < | | > > | What We Have Won | | | |
< < | Situating Power in the Internet Society | > > | What we have won is the spectre that haunts Europe. The masses are gradually coming to terms with the nature of their struggles, and we are ready to provide what they crave. In a world shrouded in darkness, we are shining the light. In a world that grows increasingly cynical, we are the voice of hope and optimism. In a world that has been told to love that which oppresses it, we are providing a path to genuine human freedom. | | | |
< < | The Ontology of Power | > > | Edward Snowden took away their plausible deniability. The government is spying on us, taking our personal data and using it for their own purposes. The question is no longer “are they doing it?,” but, rather, “is it acceptable?” The whistleblowers we are fighting to protect are creating a world in which governments and corporations will not be able to hide their malfeasance from humanity. | | | |
< < | Before we regulate power, we must understand its conceptual geography. First, power is socially constructed, possessing no independent form. When an actor wields power, that power can only be defined in relation to the object on which it is exercised. Second, power is heterogeneous and fluid – it circulates through people, who often act as relays or serve as both subject and object. Third, power can either be coercive or non-coercive. Power is exercised through violence, but also through ideological constructions that influence beliefs, perceptions, and values. Fourth, power is not a means; it is an end. History is replete with examples of those in power exhibiting hypocrisy, abandoning principles, and deceiving others – all to maintain a grip on power. The objective of power is power. | > > | Meanwhile, the masses are losing faith in the capacity of centralized government to solve the really existing problems affecting their lives. All across the world, people are demanding change faster than their governments can provide it. On the one hand, people are turning away from traditional political rhetoric and searching for new kinds of leaders. But more than anything, they are turning their attention online, finding new ways to express their hopes and frustrations. The democratic forum we have been fighting for is opening, slowly but inevitably. | | | |
< < |
The relevance of all this background to the rest of the argument is tenuous and therefore is likely a waste of space. I should work on just saying what I what I need to say, which is that the best way to comprehend power in modern society is by looking at how it non-coercively shapes human behavior at the lowest level.
| > > | The internal contradiction of capitalist accumulation is coming to fore. Production demands that workers are efficient, but consumption demands they remain distracted. The masses are viscerally disgusted by profit-driven attempts to control their thought-flow and waste their time. Gradually, often unconsciously, they are finding ways to avoid being manipulated. In doing so, they begin to seize control of their own destinies. | | | |
< < | What all this means is that the study of power must begin locally. Its essence is not in the halls of government or any corporate headquarters, but at the outer limits of society– in the seemingly ordinary ways that power reshapes human activities at the lowest level, whether in the way we drive cars, or purchase groceries, or, indeed, interact with a computer screen. Online, power acts on us constantly – through advertisements, articles, the order of search listings, and the like. Increasingly, the cultural material that happens to be presented to us in the digital world is reshaping our belief systems and economic activity. If fully rational and conscious decision-making is indispensable to human freedom (hint: it is), we must not allow those who control these levers to prey on our cognitive-affective frameworks. | > > | What We Must Still Win | | | |
< < | The Information Epoch | > > | What we must still win is a population that understands there is nothing to lose but its chains. The People of Earth are afraid. The challenges they face appear insurmountable to them, so they are turning to the devil they know. The best way to fight this inclination is to forge viable alternatives using the resources we already have. It is not enough to show them that freedom and democracy are possible. We must demonstrate that freedom and democracy are worth fighting for. | | | |
< < | The emergence of the Internet is creating a revolutionary shift in the operation of power. Under feudalism, power primarily acted through control of the land: lords exerted complete and total dominance over the serfs and resources residing under their domain. Under capitalism, power operates through money-capital tied to commodity production: the wealthy affect human behavior and resource distribution by investing in labor and capital markets. In the Internet society, however, the currency of power is data and the mechanism by which it operates is surveillance. The more data an actor controls, the more it can manipulate human activity, reconstitute belief systems, and affect distribution patterns. | > > | In our rush to critique the evils of surveillance, we are allowing it to emerge, more or less unchallenged, as the most viable solution to violent extremism. To be clear, there is no tradeoff between freedom and security. Surveillance is an ineffective tactic against dedicated combatants, and its usage by governments and profit-driven enterprise stifles the creativity of ordinary citizens. We must give substance to this argument by directing our existing creative machinery and know-how toward promoting liberal and democratic solutions to prevent violent behavior. DDoS? attacks show promise here, but we need more people to participate in such efforts and also develop new solutions along the way. | | | |
< < | The importance of this change cannot be overstated. In the Internet universe, data *is* power. At any moment, Mark Zuckerberg could, if he so chose, decide the fate of businesses, change the reading material of hundreds of millions of people, and alter the outcome of an election. Of course this man will give away 99% of his wealth. What are green pieces of paper worth to him? He already has more power than Warren Buffet could ever dream about, and it will cost him not a penny to maintain it.
Again, all this theoretical background may help me conceptualize the problem in my head, but the need for its inclusion in the essay is questionable. The Zuckerberg tangent feels out of place, and there are probably better ways to illustrate the centrality of information/data to social control.
Also, money is still very powerful in contemporary society, so an acknowledgment of that reality is needed.
Searching for an Answer
The corporate data miners have, for now, used their newfound power primarily to affect shopping behavior and leisure activities. Yet even this seemingly innocuous task is incredibly damaging in a rapidly changing world. 21st-century civilization is facing a stampede of cataclysms —persistent unemployment, violent extremism, anthropogenic climate change, and the ballooning cost of higher education. In the face of these problems, we are fostering a generation that struggles to think creatively. Instead of solving problems together as citizens of human society, we are distracting ourselves with consumer fetishes, Buzzfeed quizzes, and news entertainment. The data miners will never help us find transformative solutions, but are more than willing to exploit our habits, emotions, and unconscious triggers for their own gain.
The link between the consumption of mindless drivel and social problems is not obvious here. Humans have always had leisure time, and it is not readily apparent that going on Buzzfeed when you are not at work is this horrible thing. What is important is that the data miners are using us for our own gain and thereby preventing our self-fulfillment. All this other stuff is secondary.
Will the nation-state save us? This organ functioned well in the industrial age, but increasingly it appears unable to regulate power in a decentralized, globalized, and data-centric world. This shortcoming could be tied to any of the 21st-century problems described above, but none better than the ongoing struggle between the American government and ISIS. Traditional tactics will simply not defeat an enemy tied together by globalized networks and possessing no centralized base of operations. Government surveillance is also not working, precisely because sophisticated actors know how to protect their data. Instead, the best way to shut down a decentralized enemy is to interrupt their communication networks. Denial-of service attacks have proven an effective weapon, but for that solution to be comprehensive, there must be more individuals attacking ISIS websites than combatants making new ones. Nation-states will never have sufficient manpower to fight this battle. The task falls on ordinary citizens – hacktivists – acting with clear mind and a sense of duty.
The argument is that the inefficiencies of centralized top-down bureaucracy are exacerbated in a world where the Internet structures the majority of communication. The discussion of DDoS? is nice, but it doesn't really capture the point. The point should be that when you have a technically capable, fully conscious, fully free citizenry, you don't need silver bullets anymore and systemic weaknesses are not as easy to exploit. Starfighters beat Death Stars 100% of the time.
I also need to make an argument for the inherent "goodness" of democracy at some point. Many people prefer philosopher-kings, and these need to be acknowledged.
| > > | The seamless links between privacy and creative democracy, and between creative democracy and innovation, must become readily obvious to any rational observer. Climate change in particular is a problem area for corporations and governments because it is becoming increasingly clear that profit motivation and nationalism are standing in the way. We must attack this pressure point by finding ways to finance and develop clean energy solutions through crowdsourcing. Efforts such as solar panel roadways have shown that this approach is possible, but we must make it a point of emphasis for members of our community. | | | |
< < | Conclusion | > > | Finally, we must foster a generation that is situationally aware and technically capable. The weapons of coding and free information must be presented as such by teachers and mentors who know how. Students must have the freedom to apply the promise of Internet technology to the problems around them, not merely the ones that are spoon-fed to them by classroom exercises and, eventually, corporations. Structure can be the enemy of creativity, and we must not allow it to be. | | | |
< < | The mechanics of power have changed, and sometimes the simplest description is the most accurate. We are rapidly entering an age of direct democracy, and the struggle for the human soul is quickly devolving into a war of numbers and know-how. No longer can we rely on governments to protect our species from mindless violence, environmental degradation, and corruption. Many citizens have already gotten the message, and are learning the technical skills necessary to protect their data, reclaim their thought-flow, and perform their obligations to human society. Others just finished a quiz telling them which “Game of Thrones” character they most resemble. | > > | What Will Remain | | | |
< < | Soon, we will see if this great experiment we call “human civilization” is going to work. I do not how it will play out, but someday future generations will. | > > | What will remain is either a direct democracy built around a citizenry that is empowered or a direct democracy built around a citizenry that lives in fear. Because of what we have already achieved, the nation-state-corporation apparatus is withering away, but it is our task to ensure that humanity is prepared to rise out of the ashes. In order to get there, however, we must each recognize the mutual dependency of freedom and obligation. The change we are searching for must come from within. | | | |
< < | I think the conclusion would be more or less fine if I had done what I needed to do in the earlier sections. But I need to show that the state necessarily withers away and anarchy prevails as well as do a better job explaining what I mean by "obligations" and how that ties in with my conception of freedom. Overall, the central ideas need to flow more seamlessly. | > > | This draft is imperfect, but I believe it accurately reflects the materialism I have been searching for. Thank you for giving me the freedom to find it. | | |
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 5 - 12 Jan 2016 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| | The proliferation of the Internet over the last two decades – like the invention of agriculture, the drawing of the written word, and the rise of industrial capitalism – is a historically disruptive techno-cultural development that is fundamentally reorienting the contours of human life. In this brave new world, the manner in which power operates is unprecedented– it is subtle, decentralized, and uncontained. If the primary responsibility of civilization is to regulate power, the extant generation must respond effectively to these new dynamics. How will we punish bad behavior and enforce social norms? What are the duties and rights of ordinary citizens, and what values must those obligations serve? Our species has asked itself these questions many times over 10,000 years. Yet at each inflection point, the answers have changed. | |
> > |
First of all, here begins my use of the confusing phrase "regulate power" that I repeat multiple times but to which I ascribe little in the way of substantive meaning. Second, my desire to hook the reader has allowed the introduction to lose focus. The essay is about two things: (1) the capacity of the Internet to democratize the levers of power from nation-states to ordinary citizens and (2) the obstacles facing those citizens in utilizing that power effectively (which more or less center around control of their thought-flow by private industry). The Reader should know that this is the conceptual framework in which I will be operating, but she does not.
| | Situating Power in the Internet Society
The Ontology of Power
Before we regulate power, we must understand its conceptual geography. First, power is socially constructed, possessing no independent form. When an actor wields power, that power can only be defined in relation to the object on which it is exercised. Second, power is heterogeneous and fluid – it circulates through people, who often act as relays or serve as both subject and object. Third, power can either be coercive or non-coercive. Power is exercised through violence, but also through ideological constructions that influence beliefs, perceptions, and values. Fourth, power is not a means; it is an end. History is replete with examples of those in power exhibiting hypocrisy, abandoning principles, and deceiving others – all to maintain a grip on power. The objective of power is power. | |
> > |
The relevance of all this background to the rest of the argument is tenuous and therefore is likely a waste of space. I should work on just saying what I what I need to say, which is that the best way to comprehend power in modern society is by looking at how it non-coercively shapes human behavior at the lowest level.
| | What all this means is that the study of power must begin locally. Its essence is not in the halls of government or any corporate headquarters, but at the outer limits of society– in the seemingly ordinary ways that power reshapes human activities at the lowest level, whether in the way we drive cars, or purchase groceries, or, indeed, interact with a computer screen. Online, power acts on us constantly – through advertisements, articles, the order of search listings, and the like. Increasingly, the cultural material that happens to be presented to us in the digital world is reshaping our belief systems and economic activity. If fully rational and conscious decision-making is indispensable to human freedom (hint: it is), we must not allow those who control these levers to prey on our cognitive-affective frameworks.
The Information Epoch | | The importance of this change cannot be overstated. In the Internet universe, data *is* power. At any moment, Mark Zuckerberg could, if he so chose, decide the fate of businesses, change the reading material of hundreds of millions of people, and alter the outcome of an election. Of course this man will give away 99% of his wealth. What are green pieces of paper worth to him? He already has more power than Warren Buffet could ever dream about, and it will cost him not a penny to maintain it. | |
> > |
Again, all this theoretical background may help me conceptualize the problem in my head, but the need for its inclusion in the essay is questionable. The Zuckerberg tangent feels out of place, and there are probably better ways to illustrate the centrality of information/data to social control.
Also, money is still very powerful in contemporary society, so an acknowledgment of that reality is needed.
| | Searching for an Answer
The corporate data miners have, for now, used their newfound power primarily to affect shopping behavior and leisure activities. Yet even this seemingly innocuous task is incredibly damaging in a rapidly changing world. 21st-century civilization is facing a stampede of cataclysms —persistent unemployment, violent extremism, anthropogenic climate change, and the ballooning cost of higher education. In the face of these problems, we are fostering a generation that struggles to think creatively. Instead of solving problems together as citizens of human society, we are distracting ourselves with consumer fetishes, Buzzfeed quizzes, and news entertainment. The data miners will never help us find transformative solutions, but are more than willing to exploit our habits, emotions, and unconscious triggers for their own gain. | |
> > |
The link between the consumption of mindless drivel and social problems is not obvious here. Humans have always had leisure time, and it is not readily apparent that going on Buzzfeed when you are not at work is this horrible thing. What is important is that the data miners are using us for our own gain and thereby preventing our self-fulfillment. All this other stuff is secondary.
| | Will the nation-state save us? This organ functioned well in the industrial age, but increasingly it appears unable to regulate power in a decentralized, globalized, and data-centric world. This shortcoming could be tied to any of the 21st-century problems described above, but none better than the ongoing struggle between the American government and ISIS. Traditional tactics will simply not defeat an enemy tied together by globalized networks and possessing no centralized base of operations. Government surveillance is also not working, precisely because sophisticated actors know how to protect their data. Instead, the best way to shut down a decentralized enemy is to interrupt their communication networks. Denial-of service attacks have proven an effective weapon, but for that solution to be comprehensive, there must be more individuals attacking ISIS websites than combatants making new ones. Nation-states will never have sufficient manpower to fight this battle. The task falls on ordinary citizens – hacktivists – acting with clear mind and a sense of duty. | |
> > |
The argument is that the inefficiencies of centralized top-down bureaucracy are exacerbated in a world where the Internet structures the majority of communication. The discussion of DDoS? is nice, but it doesn't really capture the point. The point should be that when you have a technically capable, fully conscious, fully free citizenry, you don't need silver bullets anymore and systemic weaknesses are not as easy to exploit. Starfighters beat Death Stars 100% of the time.
I also need to make an argument for the inherent "goodness" of democracy at some point. Many people prefer philosopher-kings, and these need to be acknowledged.
| | Conclusion
The mechanics of power have changed, and sometimes the simplest description is the most accurate. We are rapidly entering an age of direct democracy, and the struggle for the human soul is quickly devolving into a war of numbers and know-how. No longer can we rely on governments to protect our species from mindless violence, environmental degradation, and corruption. Many citizens have already gotten the message, and are learning the technical skills necessary to protect their data, reclaim their thought-flow, and perform their obligations to human society. Others just finished a quiz telling them which “Game of Thrones” character they most resemble.
Soon, we will see if this great experiment we call “human civilization” is going to work. I do not how it will play out, but someday future generations will. | |
> > |
I think the conclusion would be more or less fine if I had done what I needed to do in the earlier sections. But I need to show that the state necessarily withers away and anarchy prevails as well as do a better job explaining what I mean by "obligations" and how that ties in with my conception of freedom. Overall, the central ideas need to flow more seamlessly.
| |
|
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 4 - 09 Jan 2016 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | A New Class Struggle | > > | The Internet, Power, and Social Obligation | | -- By ShayBanerjee - 10 Dec 2015 | |
< < | The State and her corporate allies monitor with increasing discomfort the moral leaders of our New Technological Age: the Whistleblower, the Hacktivist, the Social Entrepreneur. Although their uneasiness regarding the new Technologists is understandable, it arises not out of fear for the welfare of the People, as they would have us believe, but insecurity over how incompetent and corrupt those in power are in comparison. Not to worry — their time will come soon enough, for a new order has come to replace them. | > > | Introduction | | | |
< < | Service Through Resonance | > > | The proliferation of the Internet over the last two decades – like the invention of agriculture, the drawing of the written word, and the rise of industrial capitalism – is a historically disruptive techno-cultural development that is fundamentally reorienting the contours of human life. In this brave new world, the manner in which power operates is unprecedented– it is subtle, decentralized, and uncontained. If the primary responsibility of civilization is to regulate power, the extant generation must respond effectively to these new dynamics. How will we punish bad behavior and enforce social norms? What are the duties and rights of ordinary citizens, and what values must those obligations serve? Our species has asked itself these questions many times over 10,000 years. Yet at each inflection point, the answers have changed. | | | |
< < | Confronting a stampede of 21st century cataclysms — the economic meltdown caused by criminal financial practices, the bloodcurdling terror caused by violent extremism abroad, the growing threat of anthropogenic climate change, the abuse of ordinary citizens by a newly militarized police, the corruption of government institutions, the ballooning cost of higher education — the State has repeatedly dragged her feet, proposing solutions as inadequate as they are rarely enacted. Meanwhile, she encroaches increasingly on our inalienable rights — killing and detaining citizens without due process, snooping on our private affairs, and violently crushing peaceful assemblies. Wherever the State has failed to advance the People's interests, she has chosen to oppress them instead. | > > | Situating Power in the Internet Society | | | |
< < | Nor is the profit-driven Corporation — that hallmark of "free” enterprise pious in her sermon on market-driven growth but herself reliant on the crutch of state subsidies and protections — leading the People to better world. By now, a solar panel should sit atop every building, but all the Corporation provides is a smartphone atop every hand. Medical research and treatment should liberate the People from disease, but instead the Corporation provides widespread overmedication and costly drug dependence. Media should promote an informed citizenry, but instead the Corporation provides sensationalism, disempowerment, and quizzes telling us to which Disney princess our fashion taste most resembles. Where radical problems demand radical solutions, the weight of large-scale industrial innovation has instead devoted her attention to the fabulously banal task of exploiting the habits, behaviors, and fleeting inclinations of consumerist society. | > > | The Ontology of Power | | | |
< < | Yet while the Icarus that is the Corporation-State apparatus ventures sunward, a new set of leaders pulls the People back. The world they construct is a more dynamic, pragmatic, and just one. In this world, government corruption is exposed and addressed, corporate leaders are punished for their crimes, and dreams of roadways emitting solar energy are converted into reality. In this world, power accumulates not through violence, hierarchy, or consumer manipulation, but resonance. | > > | Before we regulate power, we must understand its conceptual geography. First, power is socially constructed, possessing no independent form. When an actor wields power, that power can only be defined in relation to the object on which it is exercised. Second, power is heterogeneous and fluid – it circulates through people, who often act as relays or serve as both subject and object. Third, power can either be coercive or non-coercive. Power is exercised through violence, but also through ideological constructions that influence beliefs, perceptions, and values. Fourth, power is not a means; it is an end. History is replete with examples of those in power exhibiting hypocrisy, abandoning principles, and deceiving others – all to maintain a grip on power. The objective of power is power. | | | |
< < | Power Through Democracy | > > | What all this means is that the study of power must begin locally. Its essence is not in the halls of government or any corporate headquarters, but at the outer limits of society– in the seemingly ordinary ways that power reshapes human activities at the lowest level, whether in the way we drive cars, or purchase groceries, or, indeed, interact with a computer screen. Online, power acts on us constantly – through advertisements, articles, the order of search listings, and the like. Increasingly, the cultural material that happens to be presented to us in the digital world is reshaping our belief systems and economic activity. If fully rational and conscious decision-making is indispensable to human freedom (hint: it is), we must not allow those who control these levers to prey on our cognitive-affective frameworks. | | | |
< < | Since the dawn of history, the individual human has sought to accumulate power — the ability to influence human activities and the distribution of scarce of resources. In consonance, Civilization — the collective human conscience — has sought to channel that inclination in service of the social good. The performance of the latter task has required all hitherto societies to collect social force and invest resources into dedicated centers of power — the regulator, the military, the corporation. Only now, with the construction of a fully interconnected network of communications, has that requirement been eliminated. Now, the levers of power descend to the masses and humanity puts her moral faith in the individual citizen, each held accountable only to one other. At long last, on comes Democracy. | > > | The Information Epoch | | | |
< < | On comes the Whistleblower, that now hidden, now open, agent of human freedom, driven not by greed but service to the People. Risking personal security, social exile, and even her own life, the Whistleblower is overcome with ethical obligation in the face of corruption and evil. Through the Internet she finds her Voice — immaculate, pure — and exposes the great lies of representative democracy and corporate responsibility for all the world to see. Like the Naked Emperor slowly realizing the true nature of his “new clothes,” the Corporation-State panics, searching the ends of the Earth to bring the Whistleblower to “justice.” To no avail. | > > | The emergence of the Internet is creating a revolutionary shift in the operation of power. Under feudalism, power primarily acted through control of the land: lords exerted complete and total dominance over the serfs and resources residing under their domain. Under capitalism, power operates through money-capital tied to commodity production: the wealthy affect human behavior and resource distribution by investing in labor and capital markets. In the Internet society, however, the currency of power is data and the mechanism by which it operates is surveillance. The more data an actor controls, the more it can manipulate human activity, reconstitute belief systems, and affect distribution patterns. | | | |
< < | On comes the Hacktivist, that uncorrupted, lionhearted enforcer of the People’s Will . Unlike the institutional actors she fights, the Hacktivist is driven by no agenda but her own — an agenda fully human, fully transparent. Finding strength in anonymity, the Hacktivist attacks oppression with the thunder of a People’s Hammer, punishing corporate enemies of democracy, despotic governments, overreaching militaries, child pornography distributors, purveyors of hate speech, and environmental polluters. Over time, the Hacktivist's technical skill grows with her numbers, and her power eventually eclipses that of the Corporation-State herself. Brimming with confidence, the Hacktivist sets her sights on that elusive enemy the Corporation-State has hitherto failed to eradicate — and the violent extremists abroad tremble like the cowards they are. The Corporation-State, losing credibility quickly, temporarily allies with the Hacktivist to pursue her own ends. | > > | The importance of this change cannot be overstated. In the Internet universe, data *is* power. At any moment, Mark Zuckerberg could, if he so chose, decide the fate of businesses, change the reading material of hundreds of millions of people, and alter the outcome of an election. Of course this man will give away 99% of his wealth. What are green pieces of paper worth to him? He already has more power than Warren Buffet could ever dream about, and it will cost him not a penny to maintain it. | | | |
< < | On comes the Social Entrepreneur, that daring pioneer who measures success not by the accumulation of profit but the goal of genuine human progress. The Internet unlocks the raw power of crowdsourcing as a vehicle to channel capital toward new ventures. At first, the vehicle is employed to mirror the Corporation-State — used by profit-driven entrepreneurs to produce materialist goods of questionable social value. It is the Social Entrepreneur, however, who unleashes the vehicle’s true revolutionary power. After all, she recognizes, the single greatest instrument of human learning in the history of the world has always been, at its root, a crowdfunding project. Similar efforts, she realizes, can be used to drive a new energy future, protect natural resources, reform campaign finance, improve learning outcomes, cure disease, and protect privacy. Hurriedly, the allies of corporate power rush to discredit the Social Entrepreneur. Investment, they cry, must always generate a financial return! Who, the cynics demand, will ever deploy capital simply to advance progress? Yet the Social Entrepreneur proceeds, unflinching, unabated. | > > | Searching for an Answer | | | |
< < | Freedom and Struggle | > > | The corporate data miners have, for now, used their newfound power primarily to affect shopping behavior and leisure activities. Yet even this seemingly innocuous task is incredibly damaging in a rapidly changing world. 21st-century civilization is facing a stampede of cataclysms —persistent unemployment, violent extremism, anthropogenic climate change, and the ballooning cost of higher education. In the face of these problems, we are fostering a generation that struggles to think creatively. Instead of solving problems together as citizens of human society, we are distracting ourselves with consumer fetishes, Buzzfeed quizzes, and news entertainment. The data miners will never help us find transformative solutions, but are more than willing to exploit our habits, emotions, and unconscious triggers for their own gain. | | | |
< < | A new class of Technologists has emerged, comprised of these three pillars, built in the People’s Image, made possible by a new age, guided in service of freedom, security, and prosperity. With its emergence will arrive new battlegrounds, new campaigns, new fights — a new class struggle for the beating heart of the human race. The particular form that struggle takes remains to be seen, but freedom demands these three pillars are protected, grown, allowed to flourish. The Corporation-State has no interest to do these things, so the People must. | > > | Will the nation-state save us? This organ functioned well in the industrial age, but increasingly it appears unable to regulate power in a decentralized, globalized, and data-centric world. This shortcoming could be tied to any of the 21st-century problems described above, but none better than the ongoing struggle between the American government and ISIS. Traditional tactics will simply not defeat an enemy tied together by globalized networks and possessing no centralized base of operations. Government surveillance is also not working, precisely because sophisticated actors know how to protect their data. Instead, the best way to shut down a decentralized enemy is to interrupt their communication networks. Denial-of service attacks have proven an effective weapon, but for that solution to be comprehensive, there must be more individuals attacking ISIS websites than combatants making new ones. Nation-states will never have sufficient manpower to fight this battle. The task falls on ordinary citizens – hacktivists – acting with clear mind and a sense of duty. | | | |
> > | Conclusion | | | |
< < |
In genre terms, though, it's an aria: an exercise in rhetoric-with-music, not the political analysis of which it is only the operatic analogue.
I understand the temptation, myself. It's not that I've never worked in the genre. But without the benefit of some really clever co-authors, you do have to carry the burden of theoretical sufficiency. And you can't seriously get the reader to participate in the illusion that the whistleblower, the hacktivist and the social entrepreneur are forces on the relevant scale. Not even Mr Snowden—who is not a whistleblower but rather the most successful professional espionage agent of our time, a man who spied for humanity as a whole more brilliantly than anyone has spied for any country on earth for several generations—is a force on the scale about which you are ... well, singing.
In the end, I think, the decision about the direction of revision is
about the desire either to be in or out of the frame of resonant
fairyland. It's the world of Gesamkunstwerk, to be sure. But
still, I think, the sort of stuff law firm partners like to be seen
at, dressed expensively, when their brains are tired.
| > > | The mechanics of power have changed, and sometimes the simplest description is the most accurate. We are rapidly entering an age of direct democracy, and the struggle for the human soul is quickly devolving into a war of numbers and know-how. No longer can we rely on governments to protect our species from mindless violence, environmental degradation, and corruption. Many citizens have already gotten the message, and are learning the technical skills necessary to protect their data, reclaim their thought-flow, and perform their obligations to human society. Others just finished a quiz telling them which “Game of Thrones” character they most resemble. | | | |
> > | Soon, we will see if this great experiment we call “human civilization” is going to work. I do not how it will play out, but someday future generations will. | |
|
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 3 - 09 Jan 2016 - Main.EbenMoglen
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| | A new class of Technologists has emerged, comprised of these three pillars, built in the People’s Image, made possible by a new age, guided in service of freedom, security, and prosperity. With its emergence will arrive new battlegrounds, new campaigns, new fights — a new class struggle for the beating heart of the human race. The particular form that struggle takes remains to be seen, but freedom demands these three pillars are protected, grown, allowed to flourish. The Corporation-State has no interest to do these things, so the People must. | |
> > |
In genre terms, though, it's an aria: an exercise in rhetoric-with-music, not the political analysis of which it is only the operatic analogue.
I understand the temptation, myself. It's not that I've never worked in the genre. But without the benefit of some really clever co-authors, you do have to carry the burden of theoretical sufficiency. And you can't seriously get the reader to participate in the illusion that the whistleblower, the hacktivist and the social entrepreneur are forces on the relevant scale. Not even Mr Snowden—who is not a whistleblower but rather the most successful professional espionage agent of our time, a man who spied for humanity as a whole more brilliantly than anyone has spied for any country on earth for several generations—is a force on the scale about which you are ... well, singing.
In the end, I think, the decision about the direction of revision is
about the desire either to be in or out of the frame of resonant
fairyland. It's the world of Gesamkunstwerk, to be sure. But
still, I think, the sort of stuff law firm partners like to be seen
at, dressed expensively, when their brains are tired.
| |
|
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 2 - 10 Dec 2015 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | A New Class | > > | A New Class Struggle | | -- By ShayBanerjee - 10 Dec 2015 | |
< < | The centralized state and her corporate allies monitor with increasing discomfort the moral leaders of our New Technological Age: the Whistleblower, the Hacktivist, the Social Entrepreneur. Although their insecurity is understandable, it arises not out of fear for the welfare of the People, as they would have us believe, but insecurity over their own incompetence and corruption. Not to worry — their time will come soon enough, for a new order has been born. | > > | The State and her corporate allies monitor with increasing discomfort the moral leaders of our New Technological Age: the Whistleblower, the Hacktivist, the Social Entrepreneur. Although their uneasiness regarding the new Technologists is understandable, it arises not out of fear for the welfare of the People, as they would have us believe, but insecurity over how incompetent and corrupt those in power are in comparison. Not to worry — their time will come soon enough, for a new order has come to replace them. | | Service Through Resonance | | Nor is the profit-driven Corporation — that hallmark of "free” enterprise pious in her sermon on market-driven growth but herself reliant on the crutch of state subsidies and protections — leading the People to better world. By now, a solar panel should sit atop every building, but all the Corporation provides is a smartphone atop every hand. Medical research and treatment should liberate the People from disease, but instead the Corporation provides widespread overmedication and costly drug dependence. Media should promote an informed citizenry, but instead the Corporation provides sensationalism, disempowerment, and quizzes telling us to which Disney princess our fashion taste most resembles. Where radical problems demand radical solutions, the weight of large-scale industrial innovation has instead devoted her attention to the fabulously banal task of exploiting the habits, behaviors, and fleeting inclinations of consumerist society. | |
< < | Yet while the Icarus that is the Corporate-State apparatus ventures sunward, a new set of leaders pulls the People back. The world they construct is a more dynamic, pragmatic, and just one. In this world, government corruption is exposed and addressed, corporate leaders are punished for their crimes, and dreams of roadways emitting solar energy are converted into reality. In this world, power accumulates not through violence, hierarchy, or consumer manipulation, but resonance. | > > | Yet while the Icarus that is the Corporation-State apparatus ventures sunward, a new set of leaders pulls the People back. The world they construct is a more dynamic, pragmatic, and just one. In this world, government corruption is exposed and addressed, corporate leaders are punished for their crimes, and dreams of roadways emitting solar energy are converted into reality. In this world, power accumulates not through violence, hierarchy, or consumer manipulation, but resonance. | | Power Through Democracy | |
< < | Since the dawn of history, the individual human has sought to accumulate power — the ability to influence human activities and the distribution of scarce of resources. In consonance, Civilization — the collective human conscience — has sought to channel that inclination in service of the social good. The performance of the latter task has required all hitherto societies to collect social force and invest resources into dedicated centers of power — the regulator, the military, the corporation. Only now, with the construction of a fully interconnected network of communications, has that requirement been eliminated. Now, the complete decentralization of power into the hands of the masses is possible and supplants all prior forms of social organization. Rejoice humanity, for, finally, on comes Democracy. | > > | Since the dawn of history, the individual human has sought to accumulate power — the ability to influence human activities and the distribution of scarce of resources. In consonance, Civilization — the collective human conscience — has sought to channel that inclination in service of the social good. The performance of the latter task has required all hitherto societies to collect social force and invest resources into dedicated centers of power — the regulator, the military, the corporation. Only now, with the construction of a fully interconnected network of communications, has that requirement been eliminated. Now, the levers of power descend to the masses and humanity puts her moral faith in the individual citizen, each held accountable only to one other. At long last, on comes Democracy. | | | |
< < | On comes the Whistleblower, that now hidden, now open, agent of human freedom, driven not by greed but service to the People. Risking personal security, social exile, and even her own life, the Whistleblower is overcome with ethical obligation in the face of corruption and evil. Through the Internet she finds her Voice — uncontaminated, pure — and exposes the great lies of representative democracy and corporate responsibility for all the world to see. Like the Naked Emperor slowly realizing the true nature of his “new clothes,” the Corporate-State panics, searching the ends of the Earth to bring the Whistleblower to “justice.” To no avail. | > > | On comes the Whistleblower, that now hidden, now open, agent of human freedom, driven not by greed but service to the People. Risking personal security, social exile, and even her own life, the Whistleblower is overcome with ethical obligation in the face of corruption and evil. Through the Internet she finds her Voice — immaculate, pure — and exposes the great lies of representative democracy and corporate responsibility for all the world to see. Like the Naked Emperor slowly realizing the true nature of his “new clothes,” the Corporation-State panics, searching the ends of the Earth to bring the Whistleblower to “justice.” To no avail. | | | |
< < | On comes the Hacktivist, that uncorrupted, lionhearted enforcer of the People’s Will . Unlike the institutional actors she fights, the Hacktivist is driven by no agenda but her own — an agenda fully human, fully transparent. Finding strength in numbers and anonymity, the Hacktivist attacks oppression with the force of a People’s Hammer, punishing corporate enemies of democracy, despotic governments, overreaching militaries, child pornography distributors, purveyors of hate speech, and environmental polluters. Over time, the Hacktivist's technical skill grows with her numbers, and her power eventually eclipses that of the Corporate-State herself. Beaming with confidence, the Hacktivist sets her sights on that elusive enemy the Corporate-State has failed to eradicate for decades — and the violent extremists abroad tremble like the cowards they are. The Corporate-State, losing credibility quickly, temporarily allies with the Hacktivist to pursue her own ends. | > > | On comes the Hacktivist, that uncorrupted, lionhearted enforcer of the People’s Will . Unlike the institutional actors she fights, the Hacktivist is driven by no agenda but her own — an agenda fully human, fully transparent. Finding strength in anonymity, the Hacktivist attacks oppression with the thunder of a People’s Hammer, punishing corporate enemies of democracy, despotic governments, overreaching militaries, child pornography distributors, purveyors of hate speech, and environmental polluters. Over time, the Hacktivist's technical skill grows with her numbers, and her power eventually eclipses that of the Corporation-State herself. Brimming with confidence, the Hacktivist sets her sights on that elusive enemy the Corporation-State has hitherto failed to eradicate — and the violent extremists abroad tremble like the cowards they are. The Corporation-State, losing credibility quickly, temporarily allies with the Hacktivist to pursue her own ends. | | | |
< < | On comes the Social Entrepreneur, that daring pioneer who measures success not by the accumulation of profit but the goal of genuine human progress. The Internet unlocks the raw power of crowdsourcing as a vehicle to channel capital toward new ventures. At first, the vehicle is employed to mirror the Corporate-State — used by profit-driven entrepreneurs to produce materialist goods of questionable social value. It is the Social Entrepreneur, however, who unleashes the vehicle’s true revolutionary power. After all, she recognizes, the single greatest instrument of human learning in the history of the world has always been, at its root, a crowdfunding project. Similar efforts, she realizes, can be used to drive a new energy future, protect natural resources, reform campaign finance, improve learning outcomes, cure disease, and protect privacy. Quickly, the allies of corporate power rush to discredit the Social Entrepreneur. Investment, they cry, must be for profit, not for good. The Social Entrepreneur continues, unabated. | > > | On comes the Social Entrepreneur, that daring pioneer who measures success not by the accumulation of profit but the goal of genuine human progress. The Internet unlocks the raw power of crowdsourcing as a vehicle to channel capital toward new ventures. At first, the vehicle is employed to mirror the Corporation-State — used by profit-driven entrepreneurs to produce materialist goods of questionable social value. It is the Social Entrepreneur, however, who unleashes the vehicle’s true revolutionary power. After all, she recognizes, the single greatest instrument of human learning in the history of the world has always been, at its root, a crowdfunding project. Similar efforts, she realizes, can be used to drive a new energy future, protect natural resources, reform campaign finance, improve learning outcomes, cure disease, and protect privacy. Hurriedly, the allies of corporate power rush to discredit the Social Entrepreneur. Investment, they cry, must always generate a financial return! Who, the cynics demand, will ever deploy capital simply to advance progress? Yet the Social Entrepreneur proceeds, unflinching, unabated. | | Freedom and Struggle | |
< < | A new class of Technologists has emerged, comprised of these three pillars, built in the People’s Image, made possible by a new age, guided in service of freedom, security, and prosperity. With its emergence will arrive new battlegrounds, new campaigns, new fights — a new class struggle for the beating heart of the human race. The particular form that struggle takes remains to be seen, but freedom demands these three pillars are protected, grown, allowed to flourish. The Corporate-State has no interest to do these things, so the People must. | > > | A new class of Technologists has emerged, comprised of these three pillars, built in the People’s Image, made possible by a new age, guided in service of freedom, security, and prosperity. With its emergence will arrive new battlegrounds, new campaigns, new fights — a new class struggle for the beating heart of the human race. The particular form that struggle takes remains to be seen, but freedom demands these three pillars are protected, grown, allowed to flourish. The Corporation-State has no interest to do these things, so the People must. | |
|
|
ShayBanerjeeSecondEssay 1 - 10 Dec 2015 - Main.ShayBanerjee
|
|
> > |
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
A New Class
-- By ShayBanerjee - 10 Dec 2015
The centralized state and her corporate allies monitor with increasing discomfort the moral leaders of our New Technological Age: the Whistleblower, the Hacktivist, the Social Entrepreneur. Although their insecurity is understandable, it arises not out of fear for the welfare of the People, as they would have us believe, but insecurity over their own incompetence and corruption. Not to worry — their time will come soon enough, for a new order has been born.
Service Through Resonance
Confronting a stampede of 21st century cataclysms — the economic meltdown caused by criminal financial practices, the bloodcurdling terror caused by violent extremism abroad, the growing threat of anthropogenic climate change, the abuse of ordinary citizens by a newly militarized police, the corruption of government institutions, the ballooning cost of higher education — the State has repeatedly dragged her feet, proposing solutions as inadequate as they are rarely enacted. Meanwhile, she encroaches increasingly on our inalienable rights — killing and detaining citizens without due process, snooping on our private affairs, and violently crushing peaceful assemblies. Wherever the State has failed to advance the People's interests, she has chosen to oppress them instead.
Nor is the profit-driven Corporation — that hallmark of "free” enterprise pious in her sermon on market-driven growth but herself reliant on the crutch of state subsidies and protections — leading the People to better world. By now, a solar panel should sit atop every building, but all the Corporation provides is a smartphone atop every hand. Medical research and treatment should liberate the People from disease, but instead the Corporation provides widespread overmedication and costly drug dependence. Media should promote an informed citizenry, but instead the Corporation provides sensationalism, disempowerment, and quizzes telling us to which Disney princess our fashion taste most resembles. Where radical problems demand radical solutions, the weight of large-scale industrial innovation has instead devoted her attention to the fabulously banal task of exploiting the habits, behaviors, and fleeting inclinations of consumerist society.
Yet while the Icarus that is the Corporate-State apparatus ventures sunward, a new set of leaders pulls the People back. The world they construct is a more dynamic, pragmatic, and just one. In this world, government corruption is exposed and addressed, corporate leaders are punished for their crimes, and dreams of roadways emitting solar energy are converted into reality. In this world, power accumulates not through violence, hierarchy, or consumer manipulation, but resonance.
Power Through Democracy
Since the dawn of history, the individual human has sought to accumulate power — the ability to influence human activities and the distribution of scarce of resources. In consonance, Civilization — the collective human conscience — has sought to channel that inclination in service of the social good. The performance of the latter task has required all hitherto societies to collect social force and invest resources into dedicated centers of power — the regulator, the military, the corporation. Only now, with the construction of a fully interconnected network of communications, has that requirement been eliminated. Now, the complete decentralization of power into the hands of the masses is possible and supplants all prior forms of social organization. Rejoice humanity, for, finally, on comes Democracy.
On comes the Whistleblower, that now hidden, now open, agent of human freedom, driven not by greed but service to the People. Risking personal security, social exile, and even her own life, the Whistleblower is overcome with ethical obligation in the face of corruption and evil. Through the Internet she finds her Voice — uncontaminated, pure — and exposes the great lies of representative democracy and corporate responsibility for all the world to see. Like the Naked Emperor slowly realizing the true nature of his “new clothes,” the Corporate-State panics, searching the ends of the Earth to bring the Whistleblower to “justice.” To no avail.
On comes the Hacktivist, that uncorrupted, lionhearted enforcer of the People’s Will . Unlike the institutional actors she fights, the Hacktivist is driven by no agenda but her own — an agenda fully human, fully transparent. Finding strength in numbers and anonymity, the Hacktivist attacks oppression with the force of a People’s Hammer, punishing corporate enemies of democracy, despotic governments, overreaching militaries, child pornography distributors, purveyors of hate speech, and environmental polluters. Over time, the Hacktivist's technical skill grows with her numbers, and her power eventually eclipses that of the Corporate-State herself. Beaming with confidence, the Hacktivist sets her sights on that elusive enemy the Corporate-State has failed to eradicate for decades — and the violent extremists abroad tremble like the cowards they are. The Corporate-State, losing credibility quickly, temporarily allies with the Hacktivist to pursue her own ends.
On comes the Social Entrepreneur, that daring pioneer who measures success not by the accumulation of profit but the goal of genuine human progress. The Internet unlocks the raw power of crowdsourcing as a vehicle to channel capital toward new ventures. At first, the vehicle is employed to mirror the Corporate-State — used by profit-driven entrepreneurs to produce materialist goods of questionable social value. It is the Social Entrepreneur, however, who unleashes the vehicle’s true revolutionary power. After all, she recognizes, the single greatest instrument of human learning in the history of the world has always been, at its root, a crowdfunding project. Similar efforts, she realizes, can be used to drive a new energy future, protect natural resources, reform campaign finance, improve learning outcomes, cure disease, and protect privacy. Quickly, the allies of corporate power rush to discredit the Social Entrepreneur. Investment, they cry, must be for profit, not for good. The Social Entrepreneur continues, unabated.
Freedom and Struggle
A new class of Technologists has emerged, comprised of these three pillars, built in the People’s Image, made possible by a new age, guided in service of freedom, security, and prosperity. With its emergence will arrive new battlegrounds, new campaigns, new fights — a new class struggle for the beating heart of the human race. The particular form that struggle takes remains to be seen, but freedom demands these three pillars are protected, grown, allowed to flourish. The Corporate-State has no interest to do these things, so the People must.
|
|
|
|
This site is powered by the TWiki collaboration platform. All material on this collaboration platform is the property of the contributing authors. All material marked as authored by Eben Moglen is available under the license terms CC-BY-SA version 4.
|
|