StutiShahSecondEssay 3 - 10 Jan 2022 - Main.StutiShah
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | Towards Setting Up an Orwellian State: Analyzing the New Intermediary Guidelines in India | > > | Analyzing India's New Intermediary Guidelines | | | |
< < | -- By StutiShah - 08 Dec 2021 | > > | -- By StutiShah - 08 Dec 2021 (Revised on 09 January 2022) | | | |
< < | Introduction | > > | Introduction | | | |
< < | The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 (Guidelines) enacted earlier this year by the Indian Government, replaced the Intermediary Guidelines, 2011 (Erstwhile IG), which had proven inadequate to address individuals' increasing interaction with evolving types of online content. The Guidelines impose more strenuous obligations on intermediaries than the Erstwhile IG, with the paternalistic objective of protecting citizens from misinformation and online harms. | > > | The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 (Guidelines) enacted last year by the Indian Government, replaced the Intermediary Guidelines, 2011 (Erstwhile IG), which had proven inadequate to address individuals' increasing interaction with evolving types of online content. The Guidelines impose more strenuous obligations on intermediaries than the Erstwhile IG, with the paternalistic objective of protecting citizens from misinformation and online harms. | | | |
< < | The scope of the Guidelines is extensive. They not only regulate online intermediaries, but also establish a code of ethics to regulate digital media, comprising of news publishers and online curated content providers. They create a categorization of intermediaries, termed as 'significant social media intermediaries' (SSMI), who have at least 5 million registered users, and subject them to additional compliances. | > > | The scope of the Guidelines is extensive. They not only regulate online intermediaries, but also establish a code of ethics to regulate digital media, comprising of news publishers and online content providers. They create a categorization of intermediaries, 'significant social media intermediaries (SSMI)’, which have at least 5 million registered users, and subject them to additional compliances. | | | |
< < | I argue that these Guidelines have taken a leap to metamorphosize into reality, the totalitarian state postulated by George Orwell in '1984'.
| > > | I argue that these Guidelines have inadvertently created a totalitarian state, which clamps down on citizens’ free speech, in the garb of protecting their religious and reputational rights from the excesses of private companies, and suggest an alternative regulatory framework. | | | |
< < | Analysis | > > | Analysis | | | |
< < | | | I have identified the following concerns with the Guidelines:
Undemocratic: | |
< < | Once rules are drafted, they are required to be subject to public consultation before they are enacted. However, the Guidelines were brought into effect without any dialogue for majority of their provisions. | > > | Once rules are drafted, they are required to be subject to public consultation before they are enacted. However, majority of the Guidelines were brought into effect without any engagement with the public. | | Undermining Privacy and Encouraging Self-Censorship: | |
< < | SSMIs that provide messaging services, such as Meta through WhatsApp? , must enable the identification of the first originator of information if required by an order passed by a court or competent authority in the interest of 'sovereignty and integrity, security, public order', etc. Furthermore, SSMIs could be required to disclose the content of such communication as well.
Though addressing intermediary-related harms is a legitimate aim, enabling the intermediary to trace conversations and report them to the Government would significantly impact user anonymity, trust, and privacy, and have a chilling impact on free speech. It would also discourage intermediaries from instituting end-to-end encryption policies which protect users, and would permit them to undertake pervasive surveillance to adhere to the Government's requests.
The current political climate has empowered the misuse of antiquated draconian laws in order to suppress dissent and criticism against the Government. These Guidelines would further impede free speech, and have a self-censoring effect, where people would not engage in conversations which could be even remotely incriminating. | > > | SSMIs that provide messaging services, such as Meta through WhatsApp? , must enable the identification of the first originator of information, and even disclose the content of such communication, if required by an order passed by a court or competent authority on vague grounds such as 'sovereignty and integrity, security, public order'. Though addressing intermediary-related harms is a legitimate aim, enabling the intermediary to trace conversations and report them to the Government would significantly impact user anonymity, trust, and privacy, and have a chilling effect on free speech. It would also discourage intermediaries from instituting end-to-end encryption policies which protect users, and would legitimize their pervasive surveillance in accordance with the Government's requests. | | | |
< < | Furthermore, under the Guidelines, intermediaries are obligated to take down content within 36 hours of receiving a court order or notification from an appropriate government agency that the material allegedly violates a law relating to 'decency or morality', 'public order', etc. Intermediaries are further obligated to provide information and other forms of assistance to government agencies within 72 hours. | > > | Furthermore, under the Guidelines, intermediaries are obligated to take down content within 36 hours of receiving an order from the court or an appropriate government agency that the material allegedly violates 'decency or morality', 'public order', etc. Intermediaries are further obligated to provide information and assistance to Government agencies within 72 hours. | | | |
< < | The Government has imposed such short timelines to disallow intermediaries from adequately assessing the adequacy of their notice, or to provide a reasonable opportunity for the user to be heard and to defend her right to free speech. Furthermore, the ability of government authorities to demand content takedowns with no judicial oversight allows those authorities to seek the removal of speech for political or other undemocratic reasons, and we are aware of the Indian Government's legacy in this respect. Faced to choose between not taking down content to protect users' rights and taking it down to shield themselves and their employees from liability, intermediaries will inevitably over-comply. | > > | The Government has imposed such short timelines to disallow intermediaries from adequately assessing the sufficiency of their notice, and to deprive users from a reasonable opportunity to be heard, and to defend their freedom of speech. Furthermore, the ability of Government authorities to demand content takedowns with no oversight allows them to seek the removal of speech for political or other undemocratic reasons, and we are aware of the Indian Government's legacy in this respect. Compelled to choose between not taking down content to protect users' rights, and taking it down to shield themselves from liability, intermediaries will inevitably over-comply. | | Over-Regulation: | |
< < | The Guidelines regulate intermediaries via a three-tiered grievance redressal mechanism which is largely driven by the executive, though appears to be self-regulatory. At the first stage, a nodal point of contact for regulation is a publisher-appointed officer; the self-regulatory bodies at the second tier are required to register with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. At the third stage, membership of the oversight mechanism is to be shared among different government ministries. This is coupled with an expansive code of ethics which guides intermediaries on what content they can publish. | > > | The Guidelines regulate intermediaries via a three-tiered grievance redressal mechanism which is largely executive-driven. At the first stage, a publisher-appointed person is the nodal officer; the self-regulatory bodies at the second tier are required to register with the Government. At the third stage, membership of the oversight mechanism is to be shared among different Government ministries. This is coupled with a code of ethics which guides intermediaries on what content they can publish. | | | |
< < | This framework is subject to misuse when analysed in the context of plummeting press freedom, and creative and artistic freedom in India, in the garb of allegedly hurting religious sentiments, or defaming people in power. By conferring quasi-judicial powers on the executive, and appointing government officials to lead decision-making about the lawfulness of content, this system can be exploited to curb opposition, while make the government "the judge, the jury, and the executioner".
| > > | This framework allows misuse by the Government, when analyzed in the context of plummeting press and artistic freedom in India. By conferring quasi-judicial powers on the executive, and appointing Government officials to assess the lawfulness of content, this system can be exploited to curb opposition, while making the Government 'the judge, the jury, and the executioner'. | | | |
< < | Moving Forward | > > | Moving Forward | | | |
< < | | | In the context of rising majoritarianism and over-regulation of speech, evinced by India's tumble on the World Press Freedom Index, the enactment of these Guidelines are particularly concerning. | |
< < | Several petitions have been filed, challenging the validity of the Rules by various individuals, corporates, and civil society organizations, who are worried about the dangerous impact these Guidelines will have on free speech and privacy of citizens. If courts don't strike them down, I am hopeful that enough public pushback will compel the Government to repeal them, and replace them with a set of laws which are backed by public consultation.
| > > | Several petitions have been filed by various institutions and individuals, challenging the validity of the Guidelines, as people are worried about their dangerous impact on free speech and privacy of citizens. If courts do not strike them down, I am hopeful that enough public pushback will compel the Government to repeal them, and replace them with guidelines backed by public consultation. | | | |
> > | Safe harbor provisions are inadequate, and liability needs to be imposed on intermediaries for protecting their users, while also guaranteeing their free speech. However, limited immunity should be guaranteed to start-ups. Therefore, though I acknowledge that intermediaries, especially big corporates, need to be held accountable, I believe that the Guidelines have over-regulated the space. The Government should not determine the specific content to be restricted, and only provide a minimum set of prescriptive guidelines to intermediaries, which have passed the test of public consultation, and which intermediaries must include in their community guidelines. To detect unlawful content, intermediaries could employ bias-free algorithms at the first stage, and subsequently employ human oversight. Ambiguous cases could be subject to a diverse committee of ombudspersons, a refined version of Meta’s oversight board, which would guide take-down determinations. | | | |
< < | Conclusion | > > | Conclusion | | | |
< < |
Through these Guidelines, the Government has portrayed corporates as citizens' antagonist, while portraying itself as a paternalistic savior, which knows how to represent Indians' interests best. The power of both these entities needs to be adequately curtailed. | > > | Through these Guidelines, the Government has portrayed corporates as citizens' antagonist, and itself as a paternalistic savior, which knows how to represent citizens’ interests best. However, the power of both these entities needs to be adequately curtailed, by citizen-centric legislations. | | | |
< < | The Rules have placed India alongside many other Asian countries that have similar laws regulating digital entities, which are directed toward nationalizing online content, including online news. In order to shield itself from direct criticism, the Government is relying on this false narrative of safeguarding the interests of its citizens through the Guidelines. | > > | The Guidelines have placed India alongside many other Asian countries that have similar laws regulating digital entities, which are directed toward nationalizing online content, including online news. The Government is in fact carrying out censorship by proxy, forcibly delegating its unethical acts of censorship to intermediaries. We have witnessed this in the case of Twitter, which though initially resisted, had to acceed to the Indian Government's order to block access to accounts of individuals who lawfully dissented against the Government’s policies. | | | |
< < | The Government is in fact carrying out censorship by proxy, forcibly delegating its unethical acts of censorship to intermediaries. We have seen this with the way Twitter, which initially protested, had to acceed to the Indian Government's order to block and limit access to accounts of individuals who lawfully dissented against the Government and its policies. | > > | If the Guidelines continue unamended, they would not only curb free speech, but also have a self-censoring effect, where citizens would not engage in conversations which could be even remotely incriminating, or anti-establishment. Consequentially, the foundation of India’s democracy would crumble. | | | |
< < | These Guidelines take India one step closer to realizing the dystopian state that Orwell conceptualized in 1984. 'Big Brother' is in fact is always watching us, while the 'Party' continues to stay in power, for power. | | | |
< < |
The technical criticism of the guidelines is sound, along the lines of the ponts raised by SFLC.in, IFF, etc. The rhetoric is at the far end of plausible; not because it is so hard to suspect Narendra Modi and Ahmit Shah of Orwellian aspirations, but because governments of all sorts are trying—supposedly on behalf of their citizens—to cope with the power of the platforms, and there is no reason to suspect any one of them of more hypocrisy than the others. As Mishi and I wrote in the ET (or maybe I'm misremembering which piece went where), this ritual always ends at the expense of the user, regardless of the society whose government is involved.
So the best improvement here is the giving of more prominence to your idea, the one that you want the reader to carry away from the essay as your contribution to the dialogue.
You are entitled to restrict access to your paper if you want to. But we all derive immense benefit from reading one another's work, and I hope you won't feel the need unless the subject matter is personal and its disclosure would be harmful or undesirable.
To restrict access to your paper simply delete the "#" character on the next two lines:
Note: TWiki has strict formatting rules for preference declarations. Make sure you preserve the three spaces, asterisk, and extra space at the beginning of these lines. If you wish to give access to any other users simply add them to the comma separated ALLOWTOPICVIEW list. | | \ No newline at end of file |
|
StutiShahSecondEssay 2 - 03 Jan 2022 - Main.EbenMoglen
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
Towards Setting Up an Orwellian State: Analyzing the New Intermediary Guidelines in India | | These Guidelines take India one step closer to realizing the dystopian state that Orwell conceptualized in 1984. 'Big Brother' is in fact is always watching us, while the 'Party' continues to stay in power, for power.
| |
> > |
The technical criticism of the guidelines is sound, along the lines of the ponts raised by SFLC.in, IFF, etc. The rhetoric is at the far end of plausible; not because it is so hard to suspect Narendra Modi and Ahmit Shah of Orwellian aspirations, but because governments of all sorts are trying—supposedly on behalf of their citizens—to cope with the power of the platforms, and there is no reason to suspect any one of them of more hypocrisy than the others. As Mishi and I wrote in the ET (or maybe I'm misremembering which piece went where), this ritual always ends at the expense of the user, regardless of the society whose government is involved.
So the best improvement here is the giving of more prominence to your idea, the one that you want the reader to carry away from the essay as your contribution to the dialogue.
| |
|
|
StutiShahSecondEssay 1 - 09 Dec 2021 - Main.StutiShah
|
|
> > |
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
Towards Setting Up an Orwellian State: Analyzing the New Intermediary Guidelines in India
-- By StutiShah - 08 Dec 2021
Introduction
The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 (Guidelines) enacted earlier this year by the Indian Government, replaced the Intermediary Guidelines, 2011 (Erstwhile IG), which had proven inadequate to address individuals' increasing interaction with evolving types of online content. The Guidelines impose more strenuous obligations on intermediaries than the Erstwhile IG, with the paternalistic objective of protecting citizens from misinformation and online harms.
The scope of the Guidelines is extensive. They not only regulate online intermediaries, but also establish a code of ethics to regulate digital media, comprising of news publishers and online curated content providers. They create a categorization of intermediaries, termed as 'significant social media intermediaries' (SSMI), who have at least 5 million registered users, and subject them to additional compliances.
I argue that these Guidelines have taken a leap to metamorphosize into reality, the totalitarian state postulated by George Orwell in '1984'.
Analysis
I have identified the following concerns with the Guidelines:
Undemocratic:
Once rules are drafted, they are required to be subject to public consultation before they are enacted. However, the Guidelines were brought into effect without any dialogue for majority of their provisions.
Undermining Privacy and Encouraging Self-Censorship:
SSMIs that provide messaging services, such as Meta through WhatsApp? , must enable the identification of the first originator of information if required by an order passed by a court or competent authority in the interest of 'sovereignty and integrity, security, public order', etc. Furthermore, SSMIs could be required to disclose the content of such communication as well.
Though addressing intermediary-related harms is a legitimate aim, enabling the intermediary to trace conversations and report them to the Government would significantly impact user anonymity, trust, and privacy, and have a chilling impact on free speech. It would also discourage intermediaries from instituting end-to-end encryption policies which protect users, and would permit them to undertake pervasive surveillance to adhere to the Government's requests.
The current political climate has empowered the misuse of antiquated draconian laws in order to suppress dissent and criticism against the Government. These Guidelines would further impede free speech, and have a self-censoring effect, where people would not engage in conversations which could be even remotely incriminating.
Furthermore, under the Guidelines, intermediaries are obligated to take down content within 36 hours of receiving a court order or notification from an appropriate government agency that the material allegedly violates a law relating to 'decency or morality', 'public order', etc. Intermediaries are further obligated to provide information and other forms of assistance to government agencies within 72 hours.
The Government has imposed such short timelines to disallow intermediaries from adequately assessing the adequacy of their notice, or to provide a reasonable opportunity for the user to be heard and to defend her right to free speech. Furthermore, the ability of government authorities to demand content takedowns with no judicial oversight allows those authorities to seek the removal of speech for political or other undemocratic reasons, and we are aware of the Indian Government's legacy in this respect. Faced to choose between not taking down content to protect users' rights and taking it down to shield themselves and their employees from liability, intermediaries will inevitably over-comply.
Over-Regulation:
The Guidelines regulate intermediaries via a three-tiered grievance redressal mechanism which is largely driven by the executive, though appears to be self-regulatory. At the first stage, a nodal point of contact for regulation is a publisher-appointed officer; the self-regulatory bodies at the second tier are required to register with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. At the third stage, membership of the oversight mechanism is to be shared among different government ministries. This is coupled with an expansive code of ethics which guides intermediaries on what content they can publish.
This framework is subject to misuse when analysed in the context of plummeting press freedom, and creative and artistic freedom in India, in the garb of allegedly hurting religious sentiments, or defaming people in power. By conferring quasi-judicial powers on the executive, and appointing government officials to lead decision-making about the lawfulness of content, this system can be exploited to curb opposition, while make the government "the judge, the jury, and the executioner".
Moving Forward
In the context of rising majoritarianism and over-regulation of speech, evinced by India's tumble on the World Press Freedom Index, the enactment of these Guidelines are particularly concerning.
Several petitions have been filed, challenging the validity of the Rules by various individuals, corporates, and civil society organizations, who are worried about the dangerous impact these Guidelines will have on free speech and privacy of citizens. If courts don't strike them down, I am hopeful that enough public pushback will compel the Government to repeal them, and replace them with a set of laws which are backed by public consultation.
Conclusion
Through these Guidelines, the Government has portrayed corporates as citizens' antagonist, while portraying itself as a paternalistic savior, which knows how to represent Indians' interests best. The power of both these entities needs to be adequately curtailed.
The Rules have placed India alongside many other Asian countries that have similar laws regulating digital entities, which are directed toward nationalizing online content, including online news. In order to shield itself from direct criticism, the Government is relying on this false narrative of safeguarding the interests of its citizens through the Guidelines.
The Government is in fact carrying out censorship by proxy, forcibly delegating its unethical acts of censorship to intermediaries. We have seen this with the way Twitter, which initially protested, had to acceed to the Indian Government's order to block and limit access to accounts of individuals who lawfully dissented against the Government and its policies.
These Guidelines take India one step closer to realizing the dystopian state that Orwell conceptualized in 1984. 'Big Brother' is in fact is always watching us, while the 'Party' continues to stay in power, for power.
You are entitled to restrict access to your paper if you want to. But we all derive immense benefit from reading one another's work, and I hope you won't feel the need unless the subject matter is personal and its disclosure would be harmful or undesirable.
To restrict access to your paper simply delete the "#" character on the next two lines:
Note: TWiki has strict formatting rules for preference declarations. Make sure you preserve the three spaces, asterisk, and extra space at the beginning of these lines. If you wish to give access to any other users simply add them to the comma separated ALLOWTOPICVIEW list. |
|
|
|
This site is powered by the TWiki collaboration platform. All material on this collaboration platform is the property of the contributing authors. All material marked as authored by Eben Moglen is available under the license terms CC-BY-SA version 4.
|
|